马来西亚国营企业私营化问题

私营化是一些国家重组经济结构和促进经济增长的重要手段。1983年,马来西亚提出了国营企业私营化政策,成为私营化的先驱国之一。回顾2 0年来马来西亚政府对私营化政策的推行,对我们了解马来西亚的私营化问题有一定参考。一、马来西亚国营企业私营化的背景在独立初期马来西亚的经济基本上是自由放任的经济。马来人与华人之间由于存在着巨大的贫富差距,1969年5月两族群间爆发了大规模的民族冲突。面对这种情况,70年代初期,政府开始推行新经济政策( 1970—1990年)。该政策以马来人优先政策为核心,其目标之一就是消除民族及地区间的差距,尤其是…     

马来西亚华文独立中学的发展方向

华文独立中学是马来西亚一个非常独特的私立教育体系,是我们研究马来西亚华文教育的一个十分重要的内容。应该说,有关这个课题的研究,国内已有一些文章见诸报刊,但根据马来西亚近年来的政策动态,从发展方向的角度来把握这个问题,这还是一个较新的视角。东南亚各国政府对华文教育的政策导向直接决定了华文教育的生存与发展,在马来西亚,政府对华文教育的政策导向首先是通过经济因素体现出来的。英殖民政府对华文教育的歧视政策不仅极大地压抑了华文教育,而且对１９５７年独立的马来西亚政府也产生了消极的示范影响。１９６１年的教育…     

试论马来西亚的“新经济政策”──从华人与原住民关系的角度进行分析

马来西亚从1970至1990年实施的新经济政策，并不是单纯的经济政策和经济发展战略，它还包含了比较完整的社会政策和社会发展战略。新经济政策的实施，使马来西亚当时面临的一个最主要的社会问题——马来族人的贫困问题得到了妥善的解决。本文主要不是从经济的角度，而是要从社会和民族关系（主要是指华人与原住民的关系）的角度去考察和研究马来西亚这一时期实施的“新经济政策”。一、背景马来西亚政府实施“新经济政策”是有深刻社会历史背景的。独立以后，马来西亚建立了以马来人为主体的政府，马来民族在国家政治生活中占了统治地位，但…     

马来西亚发展中小企业的政策及其成效

中小企业在马来西亚经济发展中发挥着十分重要的作用 ,并被认为是未来经济增长依靠的动力 ,制造业的火车头。马来西亚政府在协助中小企业发展方面采取了诸多的措施 ,制定了许多有利于中小企业发展的政策。本文主要在概括马来西亚中小企业发展现状的基础上 ,分析马来西亚政府对中小企业采取的各项政策措施 ,并试图对其政策成效做出评价。一、马来西亚中小企业发展的现状在马来西亚 ,小型企业是指那些固定资产少于 50万林吉特 ,或全日制工人少于 50人的生产企业 ,而中型企业是指拥有 50— 2 50万林吉特的生产企业。马来西亚的中小企业大多数集…     

马来西亚国家利益与对华政策转变

本文从国家利益的角度,探讨冷战后马来西亚政府对华政策转变的原因。本文认为:马来西亚政府对华实施友好政策,目的是为了增进马中经济合作来满足本国经济对海外市场的需求,是为了寻求华人支持以巩固国民阵线的政治地位,以及在国际事务和与美国的外交斗争中寻求中国的支持。中国方面的积极互动,使马来西亚当时的国家利益得到很大程度的体现,并有效地促进马来西亚继续实施对华友好政策。     

马来西亚技术发展战略的演变与评价——兼论R＆D发展模式的转变

技术进步是发展中国家经济持续发展的核心.本文主要探讨马来西亚政府技术发展战略的三次转变过程,从理论上分析金融危机后马来西亚技术发展政策演化的特征,指出近年来马来西亚研发模式的转变.     

马来西亚技术发展战略的演变与评价--兼论R&D发展模式的转变

技术进步是发展中国家经济持续发展的核心.本文主要探讨马来西亚政府技术发展战略的三次转变过程,从理论上分析金融危机后马来西亚技术发展政策演化的特征,指出近年来马来西亚研发模式的转变.     

“伊斯兰国”在马来西亚的扩张:基础及其应对

马来西亚的穆斯林一直深受中东伊斯兰思潮及政治局势的影响,在内外因素交织的作用下,"伊斯兰国"(ISIS)兴起后,其影响在马来西亚迅速蔓延。本文以马来西亚第一起恐怖袭击事件"蒲种恐袭"为切入点,通过分析ISIS在马来西亚扩张的原因及特点,指出马来西亚本土组织激进化并与境外极端组织串联和马来西亚国内伊斯兰思潮右倾是极端思想扩散的温床,"伊斯兰国"招募方式和宣传语言的改变使其在马来西亚的影响进一步扩大。本文亦探讨了马来西亚政府为遏制"伊斯兰国"影响所采取的应对措施与恐怖主义在马来西亚的发展趋势。     

华人与外来华商在马来西亚的经济活动

本文论述马来西亚本土华商和外来华商①在马来西亚的经济活动.1970年马来西亚“新经济政策”实施后,本土华商尽管面对诸多限制与挑战,仍在多个经济领域表现优异.为应对2008年经济危机,马来西亚政府采取一系列措施吸引外资,尤其是来自中国的资金.此举虽将给马来西亚本土华商带来挑战,但本土华商应藉此契机加强与外来华商的合作关系,引领马来西亚经济进入新的发展阶段.     

马来西亚的发展政策与政治稳定

政治稳定是马来西亚发展政策设计的出发点之一。在巫统一党独大条件下，马来西亚实行积极干预的发展政策，有力地介入经济及社会结构的重组。马来西亚土著的经济地位得到加强，中产阶级队伍不断扩大，客观上有利于政治稳定。但是，执政党（政府）权力与经济领域的界限不清，财富分配政策不尽合理，也造成了一些不利于政治稳定的结构性问题。马来西亚的情况对于很多现代化中国家都有启示意义。     

大国安全与地区发展的悖论?——基于冷战早期美拉关系的考察

为了遏制共产主义的发展,战后初期美国积极在西半球编织反共防务安全体系。与此相比,美国对拉美国家的经济援助需求消极怠慢,对它们所面临的经济发展问题视而不见,采取了“贸易而非援助”的经济政策,激化了美拉矛盾。20世纪五六十年代,一些拉美国家实行了国有化和土改等民族主义改革,并同苏联加强贸易往来,反美反独裁的游击运动风起云涌。在美国看来,这与其在西半球的经济安全和反共战略相悖。为了化解危机,美国一方面以反共和集体安全为名,对“敌对”政权进行军事干预,另一方面也在不断调整自身政策,加大对拉美国家的经济援助力度。不论怎样,谋求和巩固在西半球的霸主地位始终是美国制定拉美政策的根本目的,安全和稳定是其维护的主要利益。在理论上,只有拉美国家的深层经济发展问题得到有效解决,才能消除不稳定的隐患,所以,美国国家安全与拉美地区发展是并行不悖的。但在现实中,由于拉美国家的既得利益集团与美国关系密切,美国不可能切实推进拉美国家的经济改革,同时美国又常以安全防务政策化解由经济发展引发的拉美问题,这种立场上的偏差注定了美国提出的经济改革方案的“无效性”,而仅仅是一种权宜之计。     

Rising-Class Politics and its Impact on China's Path to Democracy

China's market reform over the last two decades or more have brought about a significant degree of societal stratification and the rise of class politics. The diversification of class interests forces the party-state leadership to take sides in the emerging class warfare and to show a manifest class orientation in government policy making. Mutual dependence and shared interests between the communist state and the entrepreneurial class (and other middle classes) have led to the formation of a de facto anti-democratic alliance. Meanwhile, the rapid expansion of the underclass, widespread resentment against socio-economic polarization, and the lack of institutionalized channels for articulating and advancing class interests have combined to create a potentially explosive situation that, to both the regime and its allies, has considerably increased the risks and costs of democratization. But the use of the coercive power of the state to maintain social stability has aggravated state-society tension and could push confrontation in a revolutionary direction.     

Civil society activism and political parties in Malaysia: differences over local representation

Despite their importance to democratic consolidation, relationships between civil society activists and political parties have often been problematic following the downfall of authoritarian regimes. In challenging authoritarian rule in Malaysia, though, these forces have increased cooperation and jointly committed at the 2008 elections to local government reform. This was especially important for middle-class non-governmental organization (NGO) activists seeking a transformation in the political culture of parties. Moreover, state government victories by reformist Pakatan Rakyat (PR) coalitions included Selangor and Penang where these NGOs are concentrated. Yet while local government reform followed, NGOs and parties placed differing emphases on elections, transcending ethnic-based representation, and checks and balances on local government power. Lacking substantial social and organizational bases, NGOs were outflanked by more powerful interests inside and outside PR parties, including those aligned with ethnic-based ideologies of representation and economic development models opposed by NGOs. NGO activists also advanced various democratic and technocratic rationales for local representation, indicating a complex ideological mix underlying their reform push. The study highlights interrelated structural and ideational factors likely to more generally constrain the capacity of middle-class NGOs to play a vanguard role in democratically transforming Malaysian political culture.     

Is this Paper Dangerous? Balancing Secrecy and Openness in Counterterrorism

We analyze a seemingly simple question: When should government share private information that may be useful to terrorists? Policy makers' answer to this question has typically been “it is dangerous to share information that can potentially help terrorists.” Unfortunately, this incomplete response has motivated a detrimental increase in the amount of information government keeps private or labels “sensitive but unclassified.” We identify two distinct types of private information that are potentially useful to terrorists and identify the range of conditions under which sharing each can enhance counterterrorism efforts. Our results highlight the complex trade-offs policy makers face in deciding how much openness is right in a world where protecting the people from terrorists has become a central duty of government.     

Norway and the ESDP: Explaining Norwegian Participation in the EU's Security Policy

Abstract

This article aims to contribute to a better understanding of why various Norwegian governments of recent years have been willing to contribute to European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) operations and integrate into the ESDP structures despite their country's increasingly limited access to the decision-making and/or decision-shaping process in this policy area. Norway participates in most of the ESDP structures in one way or the other—it contributes with troops and personnel to ESDP operations, participates in a battle group and has an association agreement with the European Defence Agency. The result of Norway's will to integrate is that, as a non-member, it has become more integrated into the ESDP structures than members such as Denmark, who have chosen to opt out from this policy area. How can this be explained? Does the Norwegian government decide to participate because that is seen as the best way of pursuing Norwegian national interests, or are there other institutional or normative explanations for this policy choice?     

浅析威尔逊主义对新殖民主义形成的影响——基于威尔逊政府对菲律宾政策的分析

学术界目前对威尔逊主义和新殖民主义的专门研究比较深入[1],但关于威尔逊主义与新殖民主义的关系的探讨尚需继续开展.笔者拟在充分利用现有研究成果的基础上,以威尔逊政府对菲律宾政策为例,梳理威尔逊主义对美国新殖民主义的影响.     

The lawless presidency: Economic crisis and democratic accountability in Mexico, 1970–94

The Mexican government has adopted policies of market‐oriented reform since 1982 which have for the most part been praised by professional economists. Mexico even joined the Organisation of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in 1994. However the performance of the economy has been disappointing. Yet a failure to achieve any real per capita economic growth over an extended period is unusual among Latin American countries which have consistently pursued policies of market‐oriented economic reform. A large part of the explanation has to do with the character of Mexico's political institutions, most notably a lack of democratic accountability. The unmistakable trend toward greater democracy since 1982 has so far been expressed principally in terms of greater honesty and competitiveness in the electoral arena. But there has been no significant reform of the executive branch of government, which has for many years been run on authoritarian principles. This makes it difficult for the Mexican government to control corruption, limit the economic consequences of political shocks and prevent the shifts in political power which occur at the end of each sexenio from destabilising the economy.     

缅甸大变革及其对中缅关系的影响

自2011年3月吴登盛领导的新政府执政以来,着力调整内外政策,迅速开启了“变革”之门。对内,统治缅甸40多年的军政府逐步向文官政府交权,工作重心开始转向经济改革。对外,积极融入东盟,同西方国家关系出现重大“突破”。对华,坚持睦邻友好,两国关系稳定发展。但缅甸的民主改革不会一蹴而就,还有不少问题有待解决,任何操之过急的期待或行为,恐将适得其反。     

U.S. Foreign Aid and Foreign Policy: Building Strong Relationships by Doing It Right!

Foreign aid policies cannot be more successful than their implementation, which inherently involves people and institutions. But people have their own interests and cultural frameworks, and institutions are inevitably grounded in culture and politics. Inattention to the agendas of individuals involved on both sides of foreign aid to Central and Eastern Europe played a major role in its shortcomings. A recent court decision holding two Harvard university scholars guilty of defrauding the U.S. government while running a flagship project to reform the Russian economy underscores the pitfalls in outsourcing traditional functions of government to small, well-connected groups that are not fully accountable in serving the public interest. Drawing on the author's experience studying informal systems and networks over several decades, this article illuminates the importance of foreign policy and aid relationships—how they are set up, who wins and who loses, and how their lack of accountability can contribute to the derailment of nation-building and constructive relations among countries.     

Early birds: Special interests and the strategic logic of international cooperation

I propose that special interests are particularly influential in international cooperation because they are able to enact pressure on the government already during the negotiations while the issue is not yet salient for the general public. In my formal model, special interests can offer political support to the government in exchange for a discriminatory implementation commitment that benefits them. The government colludes with the special interests if the value of political support exceeds the cost. However, if the government colludes with special interests in country A, the payoff to the government and special interests in country B also decreases because the probability of successful international cooperation decreases. In equilibrium, special interests create a collective-action problem that complicates international cooperation. In addition to providing a new explanation for the power of special interests in international cooperation, the article illuminates how international negotiations and domestic treaty implementation interact. The analysis also reveals a new dimension of flexibility in international cooperation.