英国与阿根廷的南极关系考察（1942-1961）

在20世纪中期,英国和阿根廷由于南极领土主权问题引发了两国在南极地区的冲突。到了20世纪50年代末,两国在南极事务中的关系逐渐从冲突走向合作,并与其他国家共同签订了维护南极和平与稳定的《南极条约》。两国在南极冲突的主要原因是这一时期由于经济关系的削弱和地缘政治上的角逐所导致的两国关系的恶化。之后两国从冲突走向合作,总体上是两国政治关系的改善以及美国与苏联因素的影响,还在于只有相互合作才能最大限度地维护两国的利益。两国在南极事务中的关系对之后的马岛战争、北极问题都产生了很大影响,而对中国的南极政策也有一定启示作用。     

Annual report. Activities in 1980 and program for 1981

Promoting regional cooperation has been one of the EU priorities in South Eastern Europe since the mid-1990s. However, the EU's regional approach has often been weakened by the prevailing bilateral dimension of its policies towards SEE countries, and not adequately supported by stringent conditionality. Nevertheless, recent progress has been achieved in several specific areas of regional cooperation, such as trade, energy and parliamentary cooperation, and countries of the region are increasingly assuming responsibility on cooperation processes, as the transition from the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe to the regionally owned and led Regional Cooperation Council seems to prove.     

Regional energy cooperation in North East Asia: Lessons from the European Experience

The three major oil importing countries of Northeast Asia—China, Japan and South Korea—are concerned about future security of energy supplies to fuel their dynamic economic activity. Currently all three countries are highly dependent on imports of oil from the Middle East, a region with inherent political instability. Russia’s rich reserves of oil and gas in Eastern Siberia and the Russian Far East offer an obvious alternative. Given the geographical proximity of Russia and its desire to increase its energy exports to Northeast Asia, there is huge potential for cooperation. So far there has been no real intra-regional cooperation and no common external policy towards Russia. Despite obvious differences between Europe and North East Asia, the European model of energy cooperation, developed over the past 50 years, offers some useful lessons.

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德法和解历史对中日建立战略互惠关系的借鉴与思考

中国和日本是东亚地区两个重要国家,处理好中日关系符合两国人民的共同利益,对于东亚地区的和平与繁荣具有十分重要的意义。在中日建立战略互惠关系初显曙光的时候,通过比较研究汲取德法和解的经验,将使我们获得有益的启迪。人们期待中日关系能借鉴法德在欧洲和解的智慧、创造出东亚地区中日和平与合作的奇迹。在战后以来六十多年的时间里,中日和平友好与法德和解在亚欧不同地缘政治环境中也出现了明显的发展差异。法德关系经历并超越了相互憎恨的历史,走向了真正和解。法德和解奠定了欧洲合作的基石,两者伙伴关系的进一步深化则开创了从欧共体到欧盟的欧洲合作新局面。与德法和解带动欧洲国家整合的硕果相比,中日和平友好表现出了明显的滞后性和局限性。中日关系超越"战争历史"问题、国家地位身份认同问题、共同战略利益基础和政治互信问题等方面也都落后于法德和解的发展,法德和解取得了创建欧盟的硕果,中日则刚刚取得建立战略互惠关系的共识。中日矛盾的深层症结就在于没有战略合作的共识和目标,从而导致双方缺乏政治互信和在战略上相互猜疑。法德和解的经验告诉我们,推动中日战略互惠关系的发展必须构建中日战略合作的共识,在中日关系中制定并推行"和平、合作与共赢"的外交政策新理念。中日走出历史问题争论和民间对立情绪困境的出路在于中日政治家们是否有智慧搭建两国战略合作和战略互惠的目标与框架。中日需要开展面向未来的共同事业,推动地区共同体形成的过程中实现并深化两国关系的和解与合作。     

Sino-Canadian Energy Relations： Opportunities, Challenges and Development Path

Global oil markets are increasingly jittery because of the recent political turbulence in North Africa and the Middle East,prompting China to seek more cooperation with other countries in the field of unconventional energy resources.Considering form the perspective of a hedging strategy,China should expand its cooperation with developed energy-exporting countries.China and Canada are highly complementary in the areas of energy exploration and mutual trade and this provides a broad space for their energy cooperation.However,up until now,this potential has not yet been fully explored,and there have been few substantial achievements in bilateral energy cooperation.Various reasons,including economical and political,can be attributed to this.The Chinese government and enterprises should both make efforts to overcome obstacles and make good use of all advantages to further develop energy cooperation with Canada,so as to realize greater energy politics and economic interests.     

The potentials and limits of China–EU cooperation on climate change and energy security

Due to economic interdependency through trade and investment, economies of scale, and economic complementarities, China and the European Union (EU) have a huge potential for cooperation. Already many things have happened so far. Since 2004, the cooperation on climate change has been a key issue on the political agenda of China–EU summits. In 2005, the EU and China even endorsed a “Joint Declaration on Climate Change” which emphasizes reducing the cost of clean energy key technologies for China, first and foremost through the development and deployment of near-to-zero-emission CCS technology. Letting China gain access to clean energy technology is the key issue of climate change cooperation. Despite great efforts and potential mutual benefits, this is still a field of conflicting interests. The authors argue that currently, cooperation on the transfer of clean energy technology is very limited due to rational interests of the actors and the insecurities involved in cooperation. Professor Zhang’s research focus is on environmental issues and international organizations.     

印越关系发展及对南海问题的影响

印度与越南有传统的友好合作关系,但冷战结束后一度处于停滞状态。20世纪90年代末两国关系得以重启,各领域合作全面展开。近年来,印越双边安全合作有较大发展,尤其是印度高调介入南海争端,凸显其地区战略图谋,即对中国在印度洋和中印边界地区的战略举措进行牵制。但印度与越南的军事安全合作仍具有较大的局限性。     

后冷战时期日本与东盟安全合作的演变

冷战时期日本和东盟间的经济合作为后冷战时代双方的安全合作奠定了物质基础。日本为了成为一个政治和军事大国,在安全上减少对美国的依赖并制衡迅速崛起的中国,在冷战后积极加强与东盟的安全合作。双方在传统和非传统安全方面都展开了深入的合作。而日美同盟及东盟对日防范心理则是双方安全合作的主要制约因素。     

中国与印度能源合作的政治经济分析

近年来，由于国内能源有限和经济的高速增长，中国与印度两国的能源供给越来越多地依靠国际市场。在国际能源领域，双方加强合作与协调攸关两国能源安全和经济发展全局。尽管存在着竞争，但双方互利合作是主要的发展趋势，中印各自的发展优势也为不断拓展两国能源合作提供了广阔的互补空间。     

基于利益共享的中蒙经贸合作关系研究

中蒙经贸合作关系近年来持续升温,但两国在合作中存在着各自的利益诉求和障碍因素。同时,蒙古国丰富的矿产资源及有利的政治地缘优势,使得俄罗斯、美国、日本等国加快了与蒙古国合作的步伐。中国需要在理解、尊重蒙古国自身的利益诉求及其与他国相互关系的基础上,克服障碍因素,采取有效灵活的对策,促进中蒙经贸关系稳步发展。     

Recent Sino-ASEAN Cooperation and Its Regional Impact

Since the year 2000, China and the ASEAN countries have promoted mutual trade and investment, strengthened political trust and increased cooperation in terms of economic aid, security, and cultural and educational exchanges. More and more people are realizing that China poses no threat to other countries. With China 's growing influence in ASEAN, the U.S., Japan, and other big powers have increased their strategic investment in Southeast Asia to try to maintain their long-standing strategic advantage in the region. At the same time, the ASEAN countries are trying to play off these big powers against each other to maximize their own advantage.Ma Yanbing is Research Professor of CICIR. Her research interest is Southeast Asian affairs.     

中日石油博弈与竞争下的合作

中国和日本作为亚洲近邻的两个世界能源消费大国 ,近年来在海外 ,特别是在俄罗斯所展开油气资源的较量 ,为世人所密切关注。从地缘政治经济和能源对外依存度的角度看 ,两国在世界范围争夺油气资源在所难免。如果中日双方能够避免对抗性、排他性的“零和”式传统博弈结果 ,走向建设性“非零和”式竞争下的合作 ,则不仅可以实现各自能源安全的“双赢”局面 ,而且还有助于世界油气市场的稳定和资源的公平合理配置。     

Environmental cooperation of Northeast Asia: transboundary air pollution

The puzzle of why Northeast Asian countries do not have anyenvironmental cooperation comparable to Europe's successfulregulatory regime even though both regions have borne similarconditions of the atmospheric problem has been explored. Inorder to answer this question, the author shed light on someof the conditions in Northeast Asia that would be necessaryfor regional cooperation to take place, by examining the factorsthat shape the environmental foreign policy of sovereign states.The success of Europe's regional cooperation in dealing withacid rain has been investigated, through the lens of interest-basedand epistemic community approaches. The interest-based approachprovides two factors – ecological vulnerability and economiccost – to show why some countries have taken more activepositions than others. In addition, the author argues that onemore factor is necessary, the existence of an epistemic community,out of the knowledge-based community perspective, because evenself-interested states have difficulties in defining their interestsdue to high uncertainty and complexity about developing goalsand preferences. After applying the two perspectives to thecooperation of Northeast Asian countries, it is found that lackof domestic and regional consensus on ecological vulnerabilityto transboundary acid deposition and the high economic costsof reducing emission have contributed to slow development ofthe cooperation of Northeast Asia. In addition, the lack ofsolid expert communities in Japan, as a leading country, couldhinder Northeast Asian countries from speeding up the transitiontoward regulatory regime formation from the current informationsharing cooperation. Received for publication August 12, 2005. Accepted for publication December 22, 2006.     

日韩工会发展比较及启示

日韩两国工会组织的发展与其工业化的进程密切相关,两国已形成多层次的三方机构,形成了维护工人利益、亦使经营者受益的各种规则和制度,劳动关系发展也由冲突向合作推进。中国尚处于工业化中期阶段,三次产业构成仅相当于日本20世纪60年代、韩国20世纪80年代的水平,劳动关系的某些表现也与当时的日韩相似。借鉴日韩经验,构建适合中国国情的工会组织机制,应增强企业工会的独立性和影响力;维护非正规就业群体利益;设置经济与工会问题专门研究机构;探索与日韩工会的跨国合作与联合。     

新冠病毒疫情、生物安全与东亚合作的新未来

当前全球生物安全形势日益严峻,其造成的冲击主要包括危害民众的生命健康和社会生活、严重破坏地区和全球经济、影响国家政权的稳定等。新冠病毒因具有传播速度快、传播范围广、致死率高等特点,这势必也会成为东亚区域繁荣与稳定的新挑战:一是严重损害中日韩三国民众的生命安全;二是多领域冲击东亚乃至全球经济;三是敌对势力借此攻击中国政府的执政合法性。可见,生物安全在区域经济开发和相互依赖中的地位日益重要。对此,应处理好两组关系:一是生物安全与国家利益的关系;二是生物安全与国家安全的关系。中日韩可从地区卫生安全为切入点和战略抓手来推进三国的医疗合作,消除日韩两国对中国发展的猜疑和不信任,推进三国的战略互信,然后逐步过渡到"高敏感领域"。     

Ideologies of Jihad in Europe

The article explores ideological fault lines among Sunni Muslim militants (jihadists) in Europe since the mid-1990s. It argues there have been disputes among the militants about whether to prioritize local struggles or Al Qaeda's global war, and about the legitimacy of launching terrorist attacks in European states offering political asylum to Muslims. It concludes that Europe's militants have become more ideologically unified in conjunction with the invasions of Afghanistan, Iraq, and the Mohammed drawings, seeing European countries as legitimate and prioritized targets, and identifying with Al Qaeda.     

战略伙伴关系框架下中国与印尼经济关系的发展与对策研究

中国与印尼的双边经济关系近年得到迅速发展,中国已成为印尼的第四大贸易伙伴。双方应继续努力拓展贸易与投资关系,深化在旅游、农业、渔业、纺织服装、信息与通讯技术、基础设施以及能源领域的合作。这些部门将是近期中印尼经济合作最具潜力并易取得成效的行业。     

中、日、韩文化交流与东亚文化产业

中、日、韩 3国拥有不同的政治与经济制度、意识形态和价值观念 ,安全对话尤其是文化对话很有必要。当前 ,“日剧”、“韩流”风行中国 ,而“汉风”在日韩也渐成风气。 3国应以和合精神为基本理念 ,共同推进文化产业的发展。     

从中日四个政治文件探析两国关系发展轨迹及未来趋势

中日四份政治文件代表着中日关系发展的主要脉络,两国从结束敌对状态、建立邦交关系发展到战略互惠关系经历了曲折复杂的过程。从第四份政治文件的签署到现在已有十多年,随着中国“一带一路”倡议的深化实施、美国从“亚太再平衡”到“印太战略”的调整、日本追求战略性外交的努力等,国际形势、地缘政治格局、国家能力和心态早已发生了深刻变化。本文以新古典现实主义为基础,根据当今国际政治发展现状构建了新的理论模型,从体系层次、国家层次和个人层次上来解析中日关系发展的历史和趋势,得出当今国际社会已经具备了升级中日两国关系的新的时代契机和因素。中日关系的深化、合作领域的拓展、合作程度的加深将是中日未来发展的必然趋势,也将对东亚地区乃至国际社会的稳定繁荣具有重要的现实意义。     

Local level political and institutional changes in Japan: An end to political alienation?

Background  In Japan, a steady increase of non-voters is evident on the national and local levels over the past few decades. However, since the mid-1990s, a new wave of political participation at the local level has attracted politicians as well as social scientists. Citizen participation is increasing in terms of the number of non-profit organizations, participatory procedures, and engagement in new political networks. Citizens growing involvement in local politics coincides with institutional changes that offer new autonomy in respect of local policy-making.Objectives  In this paper, we will argue that these local trends might have an impact on national politics through the repolitization of citizens. However, preconditions are, ceteris paribus, the restoration of political trust through participation and institutional changes that support citizen involvement in politics.The authors have been engaged in a project on “Civil Society in Japan: Partnership as a New Item of Japan’s Local Politics” since 1 March 2006. The project is located at the Department for Japanese Studies at the Martin Luther University of Halle-Wittenberg (Germany) and financed by the German Research Foundation (Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, DFG).

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