论安理会中的否决权问题

联合国成立半个世纪以来,大国一致原则始终存在,这就证明这一原则具有极大的生命力。否决权既是大国的权利,也是它们赖以承担的义务。 对否决权采取全盘否定或全盘肯定的态度都是片面的。 安理会改革的难点在于常任理事国的扩大,而常任理事国扩大的关键,又在于否决权问题。 无论从历史或现实角度看,否决权是完全必要的。它的确立不仅对联合国的建立具有重要意义,而且自联合国建立以来以至今后相当长的历史时期内,对维护国际和平与安全都具有重要意义。     

日本将成为安理会常任理事国吗?

据日本《产经新闻》近期报道,现在,日本对实现成为联合国安理会常任理事国这一夙愿的期望越来越大。这是因为,据日本外务省说,在联合国185个成员国中,除了目前已经有86个国家表示支持安理会改革和日本加入安理会以外,对日本私下提出的合作要求,“有的国家也表示将作出进一步的答复”。     

联合国宪章、保护的责任与叙利亚问题

中国在安理会涉及叙利亚提案表决时投否决票,不是为了一己私利,而是为了维护《联合国宪章》的原则和宗旨,为了避免又一个阿拉伯国家成为干涉主义战争的牺牲品.《联合国宪章》没有赋予安理会在一个主权国家进行“政权更迭”的权力,而“保护的责任”因其宽泛的理论解释空间而极易被滥用,冷战后西方国家发动的几次干涉主义战争的后果都背离了“保护的责任”的初衷.     

世界需要一个强有力的联合国--纪念联合国创建60年

联合国的建立是现代国际关系史上划时代的伟大创造.<联合国宪章>的宗旨和原则始终是规范国际关系的基本法典.面临国际形势的重大变化,联合国改革势在必行.联合国改革主要涉及发展问题、安理会改革和秘书处改革,三者缺一不可,而发展是联合国改革的"重中之重".世界需要一个强有力的联合国.联合国改革关乎联合国的前途和国际关系全局,必须坚持协商一致原则,慎之又慎,循序渐进,以策成功.     

联合国安理会改革面面观

2004年12月2日,“威胁、挑战和改革问题高级别小组”向安南提交了一份题为《一个更安全的世界:我们的共同责任》的联合国改革建议报告(简称“名人小组报告”),其中就安理会改革推出A、B两套方案。“名人小组报告”的出台标志着联合国新一轮改革正式启动。2005年3月21日,在基本认可该报告的基础上,安南向联大提交了《大自由:实现人人共享的发展、安全和人权》报告(简称“安南报告”)。报告最引人注意的是安南为安理会改革设置了时间表,强烈敦促各国在2005年9月联合国首脑会议之前就这一关键问题做出决定。日本、德国、印度、巴西“四国集团…     

联合国改革:一项重大的国际政治建设工程

联合国成立半个多世纪以来,国际形势和其本身的构成都发生了沧桑巨变,超级大国推 行单边主义,使其面临空前严峻挑战。这些使联合国改革,确定其在新形势下的正确定 位和走向,提上了重要而迫切的议程。安理会是联合国改革的主要着力点。宜适当增加 发展中国家在安理会中的席位,以加强联合国的代表性和权威性。现有的安理会五个常 任理事国的否决权是历史形成的,不宜改变。新增的常任理事国不宜享有否决权。经社 理事会和联合国其他机构也须进行必要改革,以使之能快速而高效运转。联合国及其 《宪章》始终符合时代的需要和国际社会的根本利益,是不可取代和或缺的。其需要改 革和完善,但没有也不会过时。超级大国用霸权逻辑改造联合国和篡改联合国宪章的图 谋是不会得逞的。     

联合国改革与巴西"入常"问题

安理会扩大作为联合国改革最重要的一环,被逐步提上日程.在"入常"问题上,巴西与日本、德国、印度捆绑在一起,组成了"4国集团".巴西"入常"是"4国集团"中最符合安理会改革目标的.巴西有大国的抱负,在拉美国家中最具实力和地位,是最大的发展中国家之一.由于"4国集团"的安理会改革提案缺少现实可能性,加之美国及墨西哥、阿根廷等本地区国家的强烈反对,巴西"入常"的前景不十分明朗.     

非盟在"增常"问题上的立场透视

随着联合国“增常”活动日趋激烈,非洲国家的选票炙手可热,拥有53个成员国的非盟成为“四国联盟”、“团结谋共识运动”及美国等各方拉拢的对象,非盟的态度成为安理会改革第一阶段“向何处去”的关键因素。这与八国集团首脑会议时非洲需要各方“拯救”的形象似乎大相径庭。非洲以一个声音说话加强了其在安理会改革中的作用。在迄今“增常”方案中,非洲表现出空前一致。尽管在谁代表非洲成为联合国安理会常任理事国的问题上,非洲国家意见不一,但各国以大局为重,在非盟旗帜下,搁置争议,于7月13日提出了统一的“非盟方案”,要求联合国给予非洲2…     

联合国改革与21世纪国际秩序

国际秩序包括作为客观秩序的国际格局与作为主观秩序的国际规则两方面,联合国是当今国际秩序最重要的载体。联合国改革包括以安理会为焦点的机构改革及发展、安全、人权三大领域的改革。安理会改革之争的实质是国际格局面临调整,联合国三大领域改革之争的实质是国际规则面临变革。联合国改革之争反映了国际社会不同力量之间对21世纪国际秩序的不同看法与诉求。     

联合国财政危机与成员国拖欠会费

第52届联大于1997年10月16日开幕。在3周的一般性辩论中,各成员国就安南的一揽子改革方案、安理会改革和联合国会费问题展开了广泛的讨论。其中会费问题因直接影响到联合国改革成败、正常运转及未来的发展,倍受关注,争论激烈。现将有关问题简介如下: 一、各成员国交纳的会费是联合国经费的主要来源。《联合国宪章》第17条明确规定,联合国所需的经费“应由各会员国依照大会分配限额担负之”。预算内及必须由成员国分摊的联合国经常性经费主要有两项:一是正常预算,用以支付主要机构和辅助机构的行政开支和活动费用等;二是维和费用。正常预算分配比例主要按各国的国民生产总值、人口及支付能力制定。同     

试论新世纪日本对东盟的外交政策

新世纪日本对东盟的外交政策,摆脱了经济外交的单一性,在发展经济关系的基础上,取得了区域合作的突破性进展,并加强与东盟的政治对话、安全合作以及军事交流,旨在主导亚洲经济一体化,扩大在东南亚地区的政治势力和军事安全影响,并争取成为安理会常任理事国和国际社会的重要一极,逐步实现政治大国的目标。     

Does Membership on the UN Security Council Influence Voting in the UN General Assembly?

Recent studies report that temporary members of the UN Security Council receive favorable treatment from the IMF, the World Bank, or in US foreign aid in exchange for their political support for permanent members. Nevertheless, few studies have examined whether this favorable treatment and these benefits have actually made any significant changes in the member states’ voting behavior in the United Nations. To explore this question, we investigate whether membership on the UN Security Council influences a state’s voting in the UN General Assembly. In the analysis of panel data for 197 countries over the period from 1946 to 2008, the empirical results show that elected members of the UN Security Council tend to behave similarly with permanent members, especially with the United States, as the number of loan programs signed with the IMF and the World Bank increases. Also, US foreign aid significantly increases temporary members’ vote coincidence with the United States and other permanent members. In this regard, this article contributes to our understanding of state voting behavior and power politics in international organizations.     

United Nations Security Council Reform Revisited: A Proposal

The United Nations [UN] came into being following the Second World War. Resembling earlier efforts of co-operation by the most powerful states of the international system, it was an attempt to effect global governance through the maintenance of international peace and security amongst states. However, led by its main executive organ, the Security Council, the UN has been unable to prevent and effectively deal with armed conflicts and mass atrocities in a number of situations. Over the years, the inability of the UN Security Council to take collective action has resulted in its ineffectiveness in dealing with war and humanitarian crises. This situation has led to calls for Security Council reform and has generated several initiatives to that end. This analysis discusses major shortcomings of the Security Council, analyses prominent reform initiatives, and introduces a proposal, the “Two-Layered Regional Model,” for Security Council reform.     

Does participation in international organizations increase cooperation?

Recent research asserts that public commitments to international institutions promote behavior that is consistent with institutional purposes. Evidence for this proposition is based almost entirely on studies that compare the behavior of states that have and have not ratified treaties. This paper evaluates instances in which some member states temporarily experience increased entanglement with an IO because they or their nationals serve in a position of authority. Unlike selection into IOs, selection into positions of authority is often governed by a common, observable, and partially exogenous process. I exploit exogenous exit, random assignment to different term lengths, and competitive elections in three contexts: the International Criminal Court (ICC), the UN Human Rights Commission (UNHRC), and the UN Security Council (UNSC). The evidence implicates that acquiring a position of authority can make states more willing to reject U.S. advances to sign non-surrender agreements, adopt domestic legislation that changes the penal code (ICC case), ratify legally binding treaties (UNHRC case), and contribute to peacekeeping missions (UNSC case). On the other hand, there is no evidence that UN institutions successfully select more cooperative states for positions of authority. Similar research designs can gainfully be employed to identify the causal effects of other forms of institutional participation.     

Power and Rhetorical Bargaining: The UN Security Council Debate on the Iraq War

The UN Security Council (UNSC) was an important arena of confrontation between the major powers during the recent pre-war crisis on Iraq, yet the realist-materialist focus of IR theory does not provide a useful perspective for analysing the debate and the ensuing defeat of American interests. This paper seeks to establish the meaning of “power” within a rhetorical context, applying insights from Searle's theory of institutional facts, constructivism, and self-presentation theory. Rhetorical strategies are then examined empirically by means of thematic and structural analyses of key texts from the UNSC debate on Iraq.     

Squaring the circle? Collective and distributive effects of United Nations Security Council reform

Changing the composition and voting system of the Security Council, in an effort to increase the institution’s global legitimacy, is proving to be one of the most difficult hurdles to overcome for the global community of states represented in the United Nations (UN). This paper demonstrates that due to institutional hurdles, it is considerably more difficult today than it was in the early years of the UN to reach a winning coalition in the General Assembly to secure Security Council reform. In addition, the paper analyzes the effects that adapted patterns of voting, as prescribed by recent reform proposals, would have on the distribution of power among UN member states in the Security Council and on the probability that this institution can form a winning coalition, i.e., reach decisions. Our power and decision capacity computations are based on (modified) Penrose-Banzhaf-Coleman measures.     

Issue linkage across international organizations: Does European countries’ temporary membership in the UN Security Council increase their receipts from the EU budget?

What explains the outcome of interstate negotiations in international organizations (IOs)? While existing research highlights member states’ power, preference intensity, and the IO’s institutional design, this paper introduces an additional source of bargaining power in IOs: Through issue linkage members of an IO leverage privileged positions in other IOs to obtain more favorable bargaining outcomes. Specifically, European Union members are more successful in bargaining over the EU budget while they hold a non-permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). Inside the UNSC EU members can promote security interests of other European countries, and they can use their influence to secure side-payments from the EU budget. The study tests this argument by investigating new EU budget data, and it shows that EU members obtain 1.7 billion Euro in additional net receipts during a two-year UNSC term, on average. Thus, bargaining processes in the EU and the UN are intricately linked.     

“争常”失败后日本与印度的非洲政策比较

"争常"失败后,日本与印度对非洲有基本的共识,即非洲国家对日、印两国争取加入联合国安理会常任理事国具有举足轻重的作用.基于这一共识,日本和印度加,强了对非洲的外交攻关,扩大了对非洲的援助,但日本和印度的非洲政策仍存在重大差异.日本主要通过经济援助方式扩大该国在非洲的影响;而印度在同非洲的交流与合作中,强调向非洲输出技术和文化等软实力的"新模式".深刻了解和认识日本与印度对非洲政策的异同,对于中国制定对非洲政策及发展中非关系具有一定的启示.     

IAI Activities for the first quarter 1972

Responding to the increasing inadequacy of the UN and especially the Security Council (SC) in dealing with today's challenges and threats, Italy has actively taken part in the reform debate. Since the 1993 Memorandum and through the experience of the Coffee Club in the 1990s, the United for Consensus movement initiated in 2004 and its current mandate as non-permanent member of the SC for the 2007–08 period, Italy has campaigned against any increase in the number of individual permanent seats, which it feels would undermine its role and be an obstacle to a genuine European approach to SC issues. Yet, given the difficulties of SC reform, Italy cannot afford to limit itself to a merely obstructionist policy, which could prove sterile in the long run. Italy must promote and implement concrete initiatives that have the potential to re-establish the body's authority and relaunch multilateral dynamics at the international level, while reaffirming its own importance in the global arena.