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1.
Since 1982, the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee has gradually deepened and extended its understanding of national security issues, and expanded this from the more traditional fields into a range of non-traditional fields as well. This can be seen in important documents such as the reports of the 14th ,15th, 16th and 17th National Congress of the CPC and the Decisions of the 4th and 6th Plenary Sessions of the 16th CPC Central Committee and the 3rd Plenary Session of the 17th CPC Central Committee. The CPC Central Committee has also decided that "with the understanding that the causes of traditional and non-traditional security threats are interrelated, we will strive to improve awareness of and strategies for national security, 'accelerating' and 'enhancing' the creation of a scientific, coordinated and efficient mechanisms for safeguarding national security. We will also strive to incorporate the influential Decisions on national security into our specific areas of work, including 'the Party's governance capacity', 'building a harmonious society' and 'rural reform and development' and so on." 相似文献
2.
He Hua 《中国国际问题研究》2008,(1):87-102
The current international system for the protection of intellectual property rights (IPR) with the Agreement on Trade- Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) at its core has its positive contents and functions and at the same time many defects and drawbacks. In recent years disputes over IPR have become a hot issue in the relations between China and Western countries particularly the United States, and have, to a certain degree, affected the normal development of China's relations with other countries in the world. Admittedly, it is due, to a certain extent, to China's imperfect legal system for intellectual property rights, but at the same time it is also attributable to the deficiencies of the current international IPR protection system. 相似文献
3.
徐萍 《中国国际问题研究》2021,(1)
As China is ushering in a new era of national development,the global environment is becoming increasingly volatile.Faced with a complex situation in the adjacent maritime waters,the leadership of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China(CPC),with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core,has put forward a farsighted and important strategic plan to transform China into a maritime power,including a series of concepts and practices specifically intended to safeguard China’s maritime rights and interests in the new era.A comprehensive analysis and summary of these concepts and practices will not only clarify what these rights and interests are,but it also bears theoretical and practical significance to correctly understand the Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era and the Xi Jinping Thought on Diplomacy,and better safeguard China’s maritime rights and interests. 相似文献
4.
The “SIRPA Think Tank” Compilation Group 《国际安全研究》2016,2(1):125-146
Under the guidance of the overall concept of national security, China is in
need of a national security strategy centered on “effective security,” which is targeted
at enhanced, relative, open, sustainable, multi-dimensional, developmental, common,
coordinated, and moderate security. The strategic guiding principles are set forth
for the sustainable development and effectiveness of China’s national security, that
is, 1) combination of security with joint development; 2) integration of reactive and
proactive approaches; 3) elimination of both direct and root causes; 4) enhancement
of cooperation and defensive capacities; and 5) balance of domestic and international
security. It is also desirable that China should reduce its reactive mindset,
reinforce a proactive mindset and enhance its capacity in shaping and creating a
favorable security environment. Effective security requires a centralized, efficient,
professional and law-binding national security mechanism. The external layout
should abide by the principle of “multi-dimensional and orderly implementation,
balance of domestic and international security, and compatibility with capability.”
This article expounds on the status quo of China’s national security strategy in
the ten functional areas of security, political, military, economy, social, public,
internet, religious, energy, environment and overseas security. After identifying the
materialization of effective security and assessing the existing problems, it makes
some suggestions about corresponding policies and strategic initiatives. China
should also learn from the lessons of the United States and the Soviet Union whose
misguided and excessive security concerns in the post-9/11 era and the late phase of the Cold War era respectively resulted in depletion of national strength, scattered
resources, incompatible capacities and eventually the unsustainability of national
security. Therefore, China should attach great importance to the co-prosperity and
complementarity of security and development, take a path of sustainable development
of national security with Chinese characteristics, and make its due contributions to
world peace and development of the entire human race. 相似文献
5.
Avery Goldstein 《国际安全研究》2016,2(1):45-66
This article examines changes in China’s security perceptions since 1949
and sketches the evolution of China’s grand strategy. In tracing the evolution of
China’s security perceptions and grand strategy since 1949, it identifies elements of
change as well as continuity. The changes reflect dramatic developments in the PRC’s
capabilities and the international circumstances it faces, both of which have shaped
the grand strategic choices of China’s leaders. During most of the Cold War decades,
a relatively weak China’s vulnerability to serious military threats from much more
powerful adversaries led the CCP to adopt grand strategies focused on coping with a
clearly defined external security challenge. After the Cold War and especially in the
21st century, an increasingly complex array of internal and external security concerns
confronts China’s leaders with new challenges. The paper concludes with a discussion
of the significance of the recently established National Security Commission and offers
brief observations about its potential significance for the CCP’s leadership in their fight
against the new domestic and international security challenges it faces. The novelty of
China’s security challenges at home and abroad in the 21st century is a consequence
of the end of the Cold War international order and perhaps more importantly, a
consequence of China’s successful modernization since 1979. 相似文献
6.
Since security on the periphery is vital to a country’s overall security,China’s considerations of its peripheral areas have remained among the four pillars of its diplomacy,the others being big power,developing country,and multilateralism.With the establishment of the P.R.C.and the Cold War,past relations with neighboring countries were stormy,with policies toward some involving confrontation,even armed clashes.The Cold War’s end and China’s growing comprehensive power have affected security in peripheral areas and the power structure in neighboring countries,increasing the pressure for timely adjustment and reform of diplomatic strategy.Efforts were discernable during the CPC Central 相似文献
7.
China’s Peripheral Security Environment:
Analytical Framework,
Indicator System and Evaluation * 下载免费PDF全文
ZHONG Feiteng 《国际安全研究》2015,1(1):129-150
Since the end of the Cold War, the West and China have had diverging
interpretations of “security environment.” China tends to define security from the
perspective of development, while the West’s definition concerns external threats
to security. In Chinese circumstances, the understanding of security environment
has evolved from simply military to a more comprehensive one covering military,
politics, economics and public opinions. This article develops a theoretical framework
to analyze China’s peripheral security environment in the new era, and constructs an
indicator system to evaluate it. The indicator system consists of the political security
environment, military security environment, development security environment,
public opinion security environment, and China’s periphery strategy, drawing upon
the theories of Realism, Liberal Institutionalism and Constructivism. Furthermore, this
article analyzes indicators through dimensionless methods based on the databases of the
World Bank, the “Foreign Relations” database of the Institute of Modern International
Relations at Tsinghua University and the People’s Daily, and compares three peripheral
security environment scenarios. The result shows that in a general sense, China’s
peripheral security environment has improved over the past decades. However, the
situations after the 2008 global financial crisis have diverged, and different theoretical
perspectives provide very different images. It seems that China has entered a very
different environment, and for stable security environment in the future, China needs to
cooperate with neighboring countries. 相似文献
8.
LIU Y u e j i n 《国际安全研究》2015,1(2)
The “New Security Concept” put forward by the Chinese authorities at the
turn of the century, with “mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality, and coordination”
at its core, dealt mainly with non-traditional security approaches and measures in
external security. However, it did not touch upon internal security or other traditional
or non-traditional security issues in a broader sense. Therefore it is a low form of
non-traditional security outlook and a low form of non-traditional national security
outlook. When reviewing overall national security issues besides external security
and international security, China has stuck to a traditional national security outlook.
In comparison, taking “the people’s security as its aim,” the Overall National Security
Outlook (ONSO) embodies non-traditional thinking and “attaches importance to both
traditional and non-traditional security.” It is, therefore, an advanced non-traditional
national security outlook. Though incorporating rich non-traditional national security
issues, the ONSO deals with various traditional national security issues, as well. The
ONSO is non-traditional in that it handles and highlights non-traditional national
security issues; it is holistic because it pays dual attention to both traditional and nontraditional
national security issues; it is advanced as it incorporates both traditional and
non-traditional national security issues by means of non-traditional thinking. 相似文献
9.
Zhang Xuegang 《现代国际关系(英文版)》2012,22(5):54-59
Over recent years,China’s maritime security and associated issues have become a focus of international interest.What are the major factors in China’s maritime situation? How should we perceive the challenges that the situation poses to China’s national interests? What is likely to be 相似文献
10.
With its transition from land power to sea power and the rapid expansion
of its national interests, the security of maritime channels has become an important
agenda for China. China has shifted its focus from the dilemma of Malacca Strait to the
construction of a sea-lane network in its bid to protect its maritime rights and interests.
To build its sea power as a strong nation, China should follow its “21st Century
Maritime Silk Road” strategy and establish its strategic pivots at harbors at Sumatra
Island and Kalimantan Island in Indonesia so as to improve its ability to ensure its
navigational safety. 相似文献
11.
Sun Chenghao 《现代国际关系(英文版)》2020,(1):86-109
The structure of the National Security Council(NSC)under Donald Trump has been tweaked only slightly on the basis of the previous administration’s"three tiers of committees"model,and without any breakthrough in reform.However,the NSC also faces a series of new changes and features,including instability caused by changes in the President’s entourage,and dysfunction induced by the decreased number of formal meetings.These changes may be attributed principally to the impact of Trump’s governing style,management style and informal decision-making process.The NSC’s role in the decision-making system varies according to the frequent changes in National Security Advisor.In the 70 plus year history of the NSC,it is evident that its development direction is determined by structural changes in the international pattern,US national security challenges and the transfer of power within the decision-making system.How the President positions and utilizes the NSC ultimately determines the structure and efficiency of the mechanism. 相似文献
12.
Jonathan Holslag 《国际安全研究》2016,2(1):88-100
The renewed Chinese ambitions to develop trade along the different branches
of the Silk Road bring several new traditional and non-traditional security challenges.
The Chinese government has vowed to address them with new security concepts. Yet,
these concepts might not be adequate to advance China’s security interests. Moreover,
China seems to have difficulties overcoming the contradictions between different
security interests: the quest for prosperity and the safeguarding of security; China’s
economic aspirations and their consequence of becoming the largest economy; peaceful
development and unification with Taiwan and the regain of lost territories; and the
dilemma in the guiding diplomatic principles. As a result of these contradictions,
Europe faces three uncertainties: How will the tensions in the Pacific develop? How
will China seek to defend its interests along the New Silk Road? How will the tensions
in the Pacific affect China’s behavior in the common Eurafrasian interface? These
uncertainties bring about two more strategic choices for Europe: trying to continue its
work with China along the Silk Road and balancing; prioritizing the huge challenges
in the wedge of hardship and Europe’s immediate neighbourhood and responding calls
to join the United States in its rebalancing to the Pacific. This will make it difficult
to establish meaningful cooperation and to work towards burden sharing with the
European Union at the other end of the Silk Road. 相似文献
13.
Feng Yujun Hong Jianjun 《现代国际关系(英文版)》2008,18(4):25-50
The next 5-10 years will be a pivotal period in which China will implement its " 11 th Five-Year Plan" and accelerate its construction of " a moderately prosperous society." It will also be an important period for Russia's resurgence. Sino-Russian relations are therefore facing new challenges and will be steadily developing. Under these new circumstances, clearly defining China's national interests in Sino-Russian relations will be an important prerequisite of ensuring the healthy and stable development of bilateral relations and of safeguarding China's peace and security. For the foreseeable future, China's national interests in Sino- Russian relations will be the further consolidation of mutual trust between the two countries and increasing Sino-Russian security cooperation so as to maintain peace and security in China 's northern border areas. As the two countries are both in a phase of social transformation, they can nevertheless learn from each other throughout this process. China will continue promoting diversity of cultures and the multi-polarization of world. China should also exploit Sino-Russian economic cooperation and try to frame a joint strategy with Russia in order to achieve common development and prosperity. Consequently, the two countries will be able to march forward side by side along the path of economic reforms and structural adjustment." In the 21st Century, China and Russia not only need to maintain a good neighbor relationship and guarantee their joint security, but also build a closer cooperation in their common development. 相似文献
14.
More than 170 years after the Opium War,China is returning to a more central role in international relations.The major global emergencies in 2014 indicate an historical course alteration is happening now,and China’s strategic choices will determine much of the final destination of the change.The interim period poses challenges to China’s national security and greater uncertainty in international systems.China’s rise,coupled with internal problems brought about by social transition and relatively insufficient strategic means,will make it more difficult for China to secure its interests.Provided China succeeds in this period of insecurity,the overall environment for the country will incrementally improve.Provided several factors are properly balanced,a period of relative"stability"will ensue as the negative effects brought about by China’s rise disappear. 相似文献
15.
《International Understanding》2017,(Z1)
正Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China,under the leadership of the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping as the core,China has made great achievements,in social and economic development with rapidly rising comprehensive national strength growing international influence and the expansion of diplomatic work.China’s diplomacy is stepping into a whole new era,in which opportunities and 相似文献
16.
LIN Hongyu 《国际安全研究》2016,2(1):67-87
This year marks the 70th anniversary of the end of the World War II and the
victory of the Anti-Fascist War. The WWII is an unprecedented disaster for humanity
and, however, it can never be guaranteed that world wars will not break out again
in the future. Just as wars can be classified as cold wars and hot wars, peace can
also be defined as cold peace and real peace. Cold Peace, as an unstable state in the
international relations, may bring misleading perception of peace, where peace is taken
for granted, and potential crises may lead to international conflicts/ wars. This is clearly
reflected in concerns of western scholars as exemplified by what is called Kissinger’s
Worry and Haass’s Question. This paper approaches the question from a strategic and
historical perspective and draws the following three conclusions: 1) historically, it takes
a long time for people to realize the negative impacts of wars; 2) currently, we are in
a dangerous stage of cold peace in terms of international security; 3) the Sino-US and
Sino-Japanese relations will be crucial to the major power relations that affect China’s
the national security in the future. China should find ways to deal with the two major
relations and play its role in maintaining the world peace. 相似文献
17.
Zhao Gancheng 《中国国际问题研究》2009,(6):26-39
China's relationship with other developing countries is an important basis for China's foreign strategy. Since its founding, New China has accumulated complex experience and achieved rich fruits in how to handle and develop its relations with other developing countries. It has experienced contradictions between ideology and national identity and also made strenuous efforts to safeguard the country's strategic independence. Since the introduction of the reform and opening-up policy, China has rapidly enhanced its national strength, providing a new platform for it to play a greater role in the current international system. But China's identity as a developing country remains the starting point of its foreign strategy, and hence promoting and consolidating its relationship with other developing countries will also remain as China's strategic choice. 相似文献
18.
正In a speech delivered at the Indonesian Parliament in October 2013,Chinese President Xi Jinping said:"we should further strengthen our maritime partnerships and jointly build the 21st century Maritime Silk Road",articulating China’s willingness to beef up maritime cooperation with ASEAN countries.The Decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on 相似文献
19.
The state of the world in 2010 can be summed up in a single word:symbiosis.Chaos and change feed on each other in a phenomenon that mirrors the tendency towards change in today’s international strategic landscape.This article attempts to create an overview of the most important features and trends of the situation by looking at shifts in major power relations,the rise of the Asia-Pacific region,geo-strategic upheavals,tension on the Korean peninsula,military security,world economy and China’s diplomacy.It asserts that chaos is not necessarily a bad thing. 相似文献
20.
Since the end of the Cold War, China's military diplomacy has displayed an omni-directional and multi-level form, and with an increasing transparency which has increased trust and reduced doubt. China has enhanced its conventional military functions and strengthened its military soft power. This has helped China develop into a responsible state on the world stage. Through military exchanges with other countries, the Chinese military has gradually strengthened its ability to undertake a variety of tasks. The Chinese military has to make greater efforts to counter the perception of a "China threat." There is also a need to establish a system of military spokesmen and to develop a theory of military diplomacy with Chinese characteristics. 相似文献