埃塞俄比亚的国家发展与"一带一路"实践

非洲国家是中国"一带一路"倡议的重要合作伙伴,其中在埃塞俄比亚的实践成为中非合作的典范。埃塞俄比亚政府希望通过"增长和转型计划"(GTP)进入中等偏下收入的国家行列,其国家主导下的经济建设与中国"一带一路"的对接有利于补齐短板,实现上述目标。目前,中国已成为埃塞俄比亚制造业发展和基础设施建设的最大投资方。另一方面,"一带一路"倡议在埃塞俄比亚的实践仍然面临一些风险,其主要来自埃塞俄比亚的社会层面。本文拟从国家与社会关系的视角分析埃塞俄比亚目前的国家能力对"一带一路"的影响,这不仅有助于更好地理解中国对埃投资的机遇与风险,并对"一带一路"在非洲其他国家的落地也具有一定的现实意义。     

越南对中国"一带一路"倡议的认知 ——基于对越南官方媒体报道的分析

越南作为中国的重要邻国,"一带一路"倡议的提出为两国进一步拓展合作提供了新的历史机遇。本文以越南主流官方媒体——越南通讯社和"越南每日快讯"的相关报道为切入点,梳理分析越南政府对"一带一路"倡议的认知。分析发现,历史和现实的因素及越南国内的政治博弈下,民众负面涉华情绪、中国对越南的投资比较优势不足、"一带一路威胁论"持续发酵以及美国推出"印太战略"等内外因素,都影响着中越两国的"一带一路"合作,其背后所凸显的越南从官方到民间对中国的不信任感,是未来中越推进"一带一路"合作所面临的主要挑战。     

"一带一路"框架下中日合作路径探析

受中日政治关系改善、"一带一路"倡议取得丰硕成果等因素影响,日本对"一带一路"倡议的态度发生了重大转变,这使得中日两国在"一带一路"框架下开展合作的政治经济基础更为夯实。中日两国正在积极探索以第三方市场合作为重心,以东盟合作为起点,以基础设施、物流、节能环保、金融等领域为重点进行深入合作的可行路径。但在推进合作的过程中,依然受到中日关系回暖的可持续性、日本政府与企业对待"一带一路"建设的"温度差",以及沿线国家现实风险等问题的困扰。需要两国政府继续对中日关系予以精心呵护,不断为中日关系可持续发展注入新动能;需要日本政府与企业共同努力消弭"温度差";需要中日双方通过信息共享来规避投资风险。据此来开启"一带一路"框架下中日合作的新时代。     

美国对"一带一路"倡议的认知和行动:演进及现状

自2013年中国提出"一带一路"倡议以来,美国对其的看法经历了三个重大转变:一是从美国官方不重视、美国舆论较少讨论到官方和智库系统性研究和讨论"一带一路";二是从美国不看好"一带一路"的前景到全面警惕其发展;三是从缺乏应对措施到出台和落实系统性的"印太战略"。美国对自身和对中国认知的变化、"一带一路"的快速进展等多重因素促成了这一系列变化。展望未来,围绕"一带一路"中美还将开展长期和复杂的磨合和博弈,这对双方及中美关系均将产生重大而长远的影响。     

"一带一路"倡议在印度洋核心岛国的进展及阻力

印度洋是"丝绸之路经济带"与"21世纪海上丝绸之路"的交汇地带,印度洋核心岛国在印度洋地区战略地位重要。中国发展与印度洋核心岛国的关系,对在这些国家顺利推进"一带一路"倡议具有重要意义,兼具战略、政治、经济内涵。"一带一路"倡议提出并实施以来,中国与印度洋核心岛国在"五通"方面的合作颇具成效,但与此同时也受到一系列国际、地区、国家层面的制约和挑战。有鉴于此,中国应加强与各方的沟通与合作、加大对印度洋核心岛国的战略投入,构建系统战略与维系支点国家并重,从而推动"一带一路"倡议与印度洋核心岛国的深度对接与发展。     

“一带一路”倡议的理论基础探析——基于世界市场失灵的视角

中国提出的"一带一路"倡议,已经成为我国深化对外开放、参与国际经济合作和全球经济治理的重要抓手,得到了世界众多国家的响应。但世界上也存在一些不解、误解,如:"一带一路"倡议是否排斥其他的区域经济合作机制,"一带一路"倡议是否"新马歇尔计划",是否为了中国向世界转移过剩产能?到底如何看待并有效对接"一带一路"倡议,使"一带一路"倡议成为中国推动世界经济发展、各国分享中国经济发展成果的平台,离不开对"一带一路"倡议理论基础的探讨。马克思主义的世界市场失灵理论构成了"一带一路"倡议的理论基础。     

美国媒体对“一带一路”倡议的认知——基于美国三大主流媒体的文本分析

美国不是"一带一路"倡议的沿线国家,也不是正式参与国,但美国媒体对"一带一路"倡议表现出浓厚的兴趣与关注。自2013年中国正式提出"一带一路"倡议以来,美国《纽约时报》、《华盛顿邮报》及《华尔街日报》等主流媒体对其进行了持续、全方位的报道与分析,对塑造、影响美国公众舆情乃至政府决策起到了重要作用。对三大媒体报道的文本分析发现,尽管其中也谈到了中美在"一带一路"建设上合作的可能性,但对"一带一路"倡议的报道仍以负面为主,特别是对中国发起"一带一路"倡议的动机、可行性以及倡议潜在影响,都充满质疑与担忧。鉴于美国主流媒体在舆论塑造乃至政策议程设置上的巨大影响力,其报道偏见与取向,应引起我们高度重视。     

“一带一路”建设在中南半岛面临的挑战与中国地缘战略重构

中南半岛是中国"一带一路"倡议的周边重点合作区域。当前,"一带一路"倡议在中南半岛实施仍将面临着风险与挑战,既有来自美国、日本、印度等大国的战略性防范、挑战与分化,又有中南半岛国家对"一带一路"倡议的疑虑与担忧。本文从中南半岛地缘政治格局、中国自身的内在条件、中南半岛国家的发展需求以及重构途径选择等方面对中国重构中南半岛地缘战略进行分析。     

"一带一路"倡议下中国与南亚国家跨境征信合作研究

"一带一路"倡议提出以来,中国与南亚国家的经贸往来和投融资发展迅速。但中国与南亚国家间合作主体的信息不对称、金融机构间信用信息共享机制的缺乏,增加了经贸往来和投融资的交易成本,降低了合作的效率,迫切需要建立中国与南亚国家的跨境征信合作以共享各国的征信信息,促进经贸往来和投融资的便利化。本文客观分析中国与南亚跨境征信合作的必要性和可能性,系统总结合作可能面临的挑战和障碍,提出中国与南亚跨境征信合作的实现路径。     

中国特色社会主义理论体系视角下的“一带一路”倡议

中国的"一带一路"倡议(BRI)注定会给二战后美国主导的经济体系带来深刻的影响。人们曾就"一带一路"倡议对全球经济秩序的影响展开讨论:它究竟是试图"颠覆"全球经济体系的战略部署,还是支撑该体系的经济计划。而本文认为双方的观点都无法提供令人满意的答案,因为"一带一路"倡议既是一项战略部署也是经济计划。并且,学者们迄今为止都是从外在表现而不是从中国的角度来分析"一带一路"倡议。为了从中国的角度理解"一带一路"倡议,本文将借助中国共产党的指导理论——中国特色社会主义理论体系(SCC)展开研究。通过研究中国特色社会主义的基础理论,本文发现中国特色社会主义存在需要解决的四大历史任务,这四大历史任务可以作为分析"一带一路"理论创新和战略创新意图的框架。在理解"一带一路"倡议的定义后,本文回答了"一带一路"倡议究竟会"威胁"还是支撑全球经济体系这一问题,结果表明,"一带一路"倡议的前提是解决市场导向型发展战略带来的难题,"一带一路"倡议期望中国进一步融入全球市场后,可以解决这些问题,因此,"一带一路"倡议并不会对全球经济体系构成系统性"威胁"。相反,"一带一路"倡议旨在提升中国在全球经济体系中的地位,从而促生有机性变革以满足中国自身发展的需求。同时,对外开放是中国共产党的一项基本国策,"一带一路"倡议拓展了中国改革开放的新空间,推动建设开放、合作、创新、共享的世界经济,为世界各国提供了一项充满中国智慧的共同发展的新方案。     

Population, Prophets, Pensions, and Politics

As immigrant populations in Western welfare states grow at a faster rate than the native populations, whose birthrates have declined dramatically in recent years, Europe's tradition of democracy and tolerance is threatened. The reasons for the birthrate decline and the resultant aging of the native population are many and complex, but one important contributing factor is the pay-as-you-go pension system, which reduces people's immediate dependence on children. Moreover, the payroll and social security taxes that support the welfare state reduce the earnings capacity of men and women of the traditional age for having children, thus pushing down the birthrate. It is time to consider whether modern Europe's small-size families and high pensions are sustainable     

Terrorism,counter-terrorism,and critique: opportunities,examples, and implications

This article explores the parameters, value and limitations of different critical strategies for those dissatisfied with the contemporary politics of terror. It argues, first, that the prominent (counter-)terrorism paradigm – in which terrorism is approached as a ubiquitous and very specific security challenge meriting appropriately exceptional responses – is far more critiqued than we might anticipate. And, second, that such critiques – which can be found across political language, popular culture, everyday life, and beyond – employ distinct critical resources to serve varying ends. Reflecting on these, the article offers a new heuristic distinguishing five critical strategies which seek to: (i) repudiate; (ii) question; (iii) subvert; (iv) replace, or (v) deconstruct the prominent counter-terrorism paradigm. This typology, it argues, offers scope for optimism and strategic resources for those attracted to a critical terrorism studies project going forward.     

Pakistan,India, China,and the United States: Energy,Climate Change,and National Security

This article focuses on the interplay of energy, climate change, and national security issues in Southwest Asia, using the newer definition of “national security” to include energy security, economic development, and climate change, as well as traditional security focusing on the military aspects.     

Indigeneity,Ethnicity, and the State: Australia,Fiji, and New Zealand

This article draws on the politics of indigeneity to distinguish the claims of first occupancy from simple ethnic identity politics, illustrating that relative political marginalization in Australasia is not so much a function of minority status but of indigeneity itself. The politics of indigeneity's aim is to create political space for self-determination and a particular indigenous share in the sovereign authority of the nation-state itself. The Australasian states are compared with Fiji to demonstrate that the significance of historical constraints on political authority transcend the withdrawal of a colonial power and the restoration of collective indigenous majority population status.     

Norway,Spitsbergen, and America, 1905-1920

In the Spitsbergen treaty of 1920, Norway acquired sovereignty over the Spitsbergen Islands. Rather than Woodrow Wilson, the American president, the architects behind the treaty were Robert Lansing, Wilson’s secretary of state, and, behind the diplomatic scene, the mining investor, John M. Longyear. In 1906, Longyear established a mining company to exploit the coal deposits at Spitsbergen. He induced Congress, the State Department, and the White House to forge an American policy for the European Arctic, including the appointment of Lansing, an international lawyer, as a counsel in the State Department. Lansing was a leading expert on both international law and the lack of state authority at the terra nullius, Spitsbergen. In 1915, he became secretary of State and, at the Paris Peace Conference, decided American policy regarding the Spitsbergen question. This analysis shows how the outcome of the Spitsbergen question was a result of American mining interests, supplemented by Norwegian-American shared interests in conflict resolution based on international law.     

International relations in Malaysia: theories, history, memory, perception, and context

The article makes a preliminary survey of the teaching of internationalrelations (IR) in Malaysia. It starts by describing the originsof the field, and the emergence of an IR epistemic communityjoining both academia and government. This account is necessarilyderived from the experiences of the four most established Malaysianuniversities distinguished by length of existence and officialfavor. Subsequently, the survey would describe course contentand influences going into their design. The penultimate sectionswould attempt to place the evolution of Malaysian IR teachingwithin a historical context. This survey nonetheless concludesthat nationalist aspirations continue to remain a secondaryinfluence when compared with intellectual dependence upon theWest in the design of IR education in Malaysia. Received for publication August 28, 2008. Accepted for publication October 2, 2008.     

Britain, France, and America's Year of Europe, 1973

Britain's entry into the European Community in 1973 coincided with an American initiative aimed at redefining relations between the United States and Western Europe. This confronted British diplomats with a serious dilemma. They wished to maintain close collaboration with Washington and, for the sake of European unity, to expand on their recently achieved reconciliation with France, a country whose Gaullist elite rejected any further institutionalization of transatlantic relations. French reluctance to engage in a constructive dialogue with the Americans resulted in a fractious debate over the drafting of two seemingly innocuous declarations, and this was exacerbated by the mixed response of the Europeans to the outbreak of the fourth Arab-Israeli war and the ensuing energy crisis. Finally, at the Washington energy conference of February 1974, the British chose to work with the Americans, rather than the French, in seeking to mitigate the economic impact of OPEC's oil policies.