巴基斯坦：宗教教育及其机构

近年,由于与塔利班和基地组织的历史渊源和现实联系,以前很少为外界了解的巴基斯坦宗教学校正日益受到国际社会的关注。为消除误解,本文作者系统地介绍了伊斯兰知识的传播平台——巴基斯坦的宗教学校,以及他们与其他公立和私立学校的差异,包括宗教学校的类型、沿革、教学分层、大纲课程设置等等。作者站在客观中立的立场廓清了巴基斯坦的宗教学校与基地组织的关系,分析了巴基斯坦各届政府对宗教学校的政策得失,西方社会对宗教学校的理解与误读,为巴基斯坦国家发展和当今世界反恐斗争的政策策略制定提供了新的思路,也为伊斯兰与非伊斯兰世界相互了解交流、和平共处创造进一步的可能。     

巴基斯坦恐怖组织中的中东因素探析

巴基斯坦与中东伊斯兰恐怖组织之间保持着密切的联系渠道，亦即反苏伊斯兰圣战组织渠道、沙特和伊朗渠道、中亚渠道以及克什米尔渠道，双方还保持着密切的人员、资金和军火交流途径。巴基斯坦同中东恐怖组织的联系不是单向的，而是双向的。近年来，巴基斯坦开始向中东地区“输出”恐怖主义，并对中国的边疆安全构成了新的挑战。     

巴基斯坦宗教学校:现状、问题与社会风险

宗教学校是理解巴基斯坦社会思潮的关键因素,它不仅是伊斯兰社会的巴基斯坦最为重要的部门,也是巴基斯坦社会的一面"镜子"。"9·11"事件之后,西方将宗教学校与宗教极端主义和激进社会思想"孵化器"划上等号,这种标签化处理进一步加剧其负面功能发挥。在"中巴经济走廊"建设进程中,需要高度关注宗教学校迅速发展可能引发的社会风险,避免掉入西方学术界制造的话语陷阱。本文认为,巴基斯坦宗教学校存在管理体制混乱、课程设置不合理、教育经费来源的矛盾性和卷入宗教政治与教派纷争等问题,这不仅影响其宗教教育功能的发挥,也构成了中巴经济走廊建设的潜在社会风险。     

巴基斯坦与伊斯兰教

1月12日，巴基斯坦总统穆沙拉夫向全国发表电视讲话，表示巴将维护伊斯兰教义，坚决打击国内宗教极端势力，清除恐怖活动。本文试图对巴基斯坦伊斯兰教的历史作用、巴主要宗教派别和组织、巴宗教极端势力的影响和发展原因以及巴政府整治宗教极端势力的措施和前景等问题进行一次初步探讨。     

当前巴基斯坦的去极端化实践研究

南亚伊斯兰极端主义的发展与地区冲突、国家建构、民族分离主义密切联系,具有跨国性、联动性等典型特征。南亚有关国家围绕打击伊斯兰极端主义地区合作的加强、对伊斯兰极端主义和恐怖主义采取不同策略已取得一定成效,但仍面临诸多严峻挑战。南亚国家在不同程度上展开了去极端化实践,相较于其他国家,巴基斯坦的去极端化工作较为成型且取得了一定成效,是南亚国家去极端化实践典型案例。巴基斯坦通过反恐立法、宗教学校教育改革、对极端分子改造、反洗钱合作及与南盟和中国的去极端化国际合作等方式,积极促进该国的去极端化发展。巴基斯坦的去极端化实践对于其他南亚国家也具有一定的参考与借鉴意义。     

伊斯兰教与巴基斯坦的政治发展

伊斯兰教与巴基斯坦的政治发展杨翠柏巴基斯坦国家的奠基人真纳曾在孟买的一次群众集会上指着《古兰经》说，这就是巴基斯坦的宪法。事实上，巴基斯坦独立运动、巴基斯坦建国及其以后的政治、经济、社会、文化、外交等都与伊斯兰教紧密地联系在一起。伊斯兰教是巴基斯坦的...     

巴基斯坦人的斋月及开斋节

位于南亚次大陆的巴基斯坦国,是个独立的伊斯兰教国家,全国90％以上的公民信奉伊斯兰教,大大小小风格各异的清真寺遍布城市和乡村,教徒每日定时五次祷告,或是在清真寺,或是在家里的祷告间,从不间断。每逢宗教节或带有宗教色彩的节日,全国各行各业均放假,公路上来往车辆极其稀少,商场店铺均不营业,公共场所冷冷清清。 笔者在巴基斯坦最大城市卡拉奇工作一年,有幸目睹各种节日的盛况,印象最深的莫过于最富有宗教色彩的斋月及开斋节。 根据伊斯兰教教历,太阴年第     

南亚主要伊斯兰极端组织现状

南亚（包括阿富汗）穆斯林人口约4．2亿，其中巴基斯坦、孟加拉、阿富汗、马尔代夫为穆斯林主体国家，四国穆斯林人口比例均在80％以上。南亚是受伊斯兰极端主义威胁最早、最严重的地区之一：极端组织较多，恐怖事件频发。“9·11”事件后各国都援引相关法律打击取缔极端组织。巴基斯坦取缔了15个伊斯兰极端组织及其变体。孟加拉被印度及西方称为恐怖组织新“天堂”，据称境内的极端组织不少于15个，政府已取缔3个。阿富汗是伊斯兰圣战运动的策源地之一，塔利班时期极端势力达到巅峰，目前还活跃着塔利班、“基地”和伊斯兰党等组织。印度以查谟和克什米尔地区及东北几邦较为集中，政府已公布12个恐怖组织的名单。     

巴基斯坦的政治伊斯兰透析

巴基斯坦的政治伊斯兰有温和的民族主义与极端的原教旨主义两个层次。但这两者之间的界限常有不确定性和可变性，有时共生共荣，有时却各自为战。巴基斯坦伊斯兰原教旨主义组织在精神和物质上依赖于国外的伊斯兰原教旨主义中心，它在沟通阿拉伯地区与中亚内陆方面起着桥梁与纽带的作用。     

当代伊斯兰复兴运动对巴基斯坦政治的影响

当代伊斯兰复兴运动有着特定的背景,包括了伊斯兰国家、民族、宗教三个部分,经历了1940-1960年代初的民族复兴主流时期,1960-1970年代初的国家复兴时期和1970年代起的宗教复兴时期.这对巴基斯坦政治也产生了相应影响,从积极方面看增强了巴国内凝聚力和与其它伊斯兰国家的团结,从消极方面看不同程度的引起巴政治局势不稳、政府效率低下以及社会动荡.     

Pakistan: An Unsettled Nation

Pakistan faces many problems. The struggle over the country's Islamic dimension is undecided. Pakistan continues to be a hotbed of Islamic fervor. As evidenced by the frequent interruptions of civilian rule by military regimes the country is not sure which course to follow. Violence has become Pakistan's trademark. The jihadi culture is frightening. Poverty and underdevelopment are wide spread. The educational system is a mess. Integration of the different ethnicities has not been completed. Enmity characterizes the relationship to India, mistrust that to Afghanistan. Its nuclear weapons capability is looked upon with suspicion by Western countries. Fundamental changes will only be possible if Pakistan finds its way to democracy.     

Islamic reformation discourses: popular sovereignty and religious secularisation in Iran

Disputes over the outcome of the June 2009 presidential election in Iran rapidly developed into a contest about the legitimacy of the Islamic state. Far from being a dispute between religious and non-religious forces, the main protagonists in the conflict represented divergent articulations of state–religion relations within an Islamic context. In contrast to the authoritarian legitimisation of an Islamic state, the Islamic reformation discourse is based on secular-democratic articulations of state–religion relations. This article focuses on the ideas of four leading Iranian religious scholars who advocate a secular-democratic conceptualisation of state authority. Disputing the religious validity of divine sovereignty, they promote the principle of popular sovereignty based on Islamic sources and methods. This reformist conceptualisation is rooted in the notion that Islam and the secular-democratic state are complementary.     

“Good and Evil” narratives in Islamic State media and Western government statements

This article uses a critical discourse and documentary analysis to explore “Good and Evil” narratives in Islamic State (IS) media and in the official policy statements of the United States, Australia and the United Kingdom. The analysis initially considers how IS and Western governments define the other as “Evil” drawing from premodern Manichean and Abrahamic religious conventions. It then interprets how these entities subscribe to a post-Enlightenment ethic that associates the triumph of “Good” over “Evil” with science, reason and technological innovation. Distinct from similar analyses that emphasise the persuasive power of religion, this article reflects on how IS and Western governments use conflicting religious and philosophical imperatives to articulate their strategic political agendas. It further interprets how these agendas become ideologically convincing, through reflexive communication.     

东盟“伊斯兰化”与东盟10国对以关系的互动研究

冷战结束为东南亚地区一体化发展和东盟扩大创造了条件。随着伊斯兰复兴运动近年在马来西亚和文莱的深化,这两国出于宗教情感而持反以亲阿的态度,并将其变为东盟意志,无视东盟大多数成员为非伊斯兰国家且与以色列合作良好的事实。这既体现了冷战后国际关系格局发展现实在东南亚的投影,又体现了当代国际关系的“宗教转向”和东盟国家在伊斯兰问题上的分歧公开化。以色列实际上已成为东盟伊斯兰与非伊斯兰成员国之间的宗教“柏林墙”。欧盟模式应是东盟可资借鉴的方向,东盟制度建设乃至维系存在的基础在于：一是加强东盟制度民主建设,二是东盟机构的“去宗教化”。马来西亚和文莱可以通过伊斯兰会议组织等国际宗教组织发出其宗教诉求,但东盟绝非在宗教上的合适平台。     

The Method is the Message: The Current State of Political Communication Research

Formal journalism ethics, as laid out in codes of ethics by journalism associations and the like, is part of a wider debate on media ethics that has been triggered in the Middle East due to the advent of global media in the region. This study compares journalism codes from Europe and the Islamic world in order to revisit the widespread academic assumption of a deep divide between Western and Oriental philosophies of journalism that has played a role in many debates on political communication in the area. The analysis shows that there is a broad intercultural consensus that standards of truth and objectivity should be central values of journalism. Norms protecting the private sphere are, in fact, more pronounced in countries of the Near and Middle East, North Africa, and in the majority of Muslim states in Asia than is generally the case in Europe, although the weighing of privacy protection against the public's right to information is today a component of most journalistic codes of behavior in Islamic countries. Obvious differences between the West and many Islamic countries are to be found in the status accorded to freedom of expression. Although ideas of freedom have entered formal media ethics in the Middle East and the Islamic world, only a minority of documents limit the interference into freedom to cases where other fundamental rights (e.g., privacy) are touched, whereas the majority would have journalists accept political, national, religious, or cultural boundaries to their work. Despite existing differences between Western and Middle Eastern/Islamic journalism ethics and in contrast to the overall neoconservative (Islamist) trends in societal norms, formal journalism ethics has been a sphere of growing universalization throughout the last decades.     

Egyptian Cinema as a Tool in the Struggle Against Islamic Terrorism

The cinema has been used by Egyptian regimes, from the monarchy until Mubarak, to resist the political agenda of Islamic radicals and terrorists. Edward Said and others describe Islamic terrorists’ images in the Western media as “Western fantasies.” Nevertheless, for Egyptian intellectuals, terrorists were and remain a stark reality. In Egypt, the entire state apparatus was set in motion to fight Islamic terrorism. The state was unprepared for the massive popular uprising of 2011. While the direction that Egyptian culture will follow after Mubarak remains unclear, an important objective is to study pre-revolutionary Egyptian cinema and to understand its ideological tendencies.     

Islam,Militancy, and Politics in Pakistan: Insights From a National Sample

We use data from an innovative nationally representative survey of 6,000 Pakistanis in April 2009 to study beliefs about political Islam, Sharia, the legitimacy and efficacy of jihad, and attitudes towards specific militant organizations. These issues are at the forefront of U.S. policy towards Pakistan. Four results shed new light on the politics of militancy and Islamic identity in Pakistan. First, there is no relationship between measures of personal religiosity and the likelihood a respondent expresses highly sectarian sentiments. Second, militarized jihad is widely seen as legitimate in Pakistan but there are substantial regional differences in the acceptance of militarized jihad. Third, attitudes towards militant groups vary dramatically across groups, particularly when it comes to the efficacy of their actions. Fourth, while Pakistanis express massive levels of support for Sharia law, this is driven by its perceived connection with good governance, not by sympathy with the goals of militant groups claiming to implement it.     

Al-Qaeda and the Nature of Religious Terrorism

This article examines the nature of religious terrorism, principally with reference to al-Qaeda. It argues that a distinction must be made between the ultimate aims and the immediate objectives of ‘religious’ terrorists, and that while the ultimate aims will be religiously formulated, the immediate objectives will often be found to be almost purely political. This distinction is illustrated with reference to such pre-modern religious terrorists as the Assassins and Zealots. Immediate objectives, are for many purposes more important than ultimate aims.

Although the immediate objectives of al-Qaeda on 9/11 cannot be established with certainty, it is highly probably that the intention was to provoke a response from the US that would have a radicalizing impact on al-Qaeda's constituency. Reference to public opinion in the Middle East, especially in Egypt, shows that this is indeed what has happened. Such an impact is a purely political objective, familiar to historians of terrorism from at least the time of Errico Malatesta and the ‘propaganda of the deed’ in the 1870s. While no direct link between Malatesta and al-Qaeda exists, al-Qaeda was certainly in contact with contemporary theories that Malatesta would have recognized, and seems to have applied them.

Even though its immediate objectives are political rather than religious, al-Qaeda is a distinctively Islamic group. Not only is its chosen constituency a confessional one, but al-Qaeda also uses—and when necessary adapts—well-known Islamic religious concepts to motivate its operatives, ranging from conceptions of duty to conceptions of ascetic devotion. This is demonstrated with reference to the ‘Last Night’ document of 9/11. The conclusion is that terrorism which can be understood in political terms is susceptible to political remedies.