“两廊一圈”区域投资合作探析

2004年5月,越南总理潘文凯来华访问,提出中越建设“两廊一圈”的建议,得到了中国政府的积极响应。2004年10月8日,中国、越南两国政府发表联合公报,同意两国政府在中国-东盟自由贸易区合作框架下成立专家组,积极探讨组建“两廊一圈”经济合作区。“两廊一圈”即指“昆明-老街-河内-海防-广宁”、“南宁-谅山- 河内-海防-广宁”两个经济走廊和“环北部湾     

中越构建“两廊一圈”与中国—东盟“一轴两翼”的关系

2004年5月和10月,中越两国总理进行友好互访.10月,在两国发表的联合公报中,双方达成共识,明确要合作建设"两廊一圈",即:"昆明-老街-河内-海防-广宁"、"南宁-谅山-河内-海防-广宁"经济走廊和"环北部湾经济圈"(以下简称"两廊一圈").     

从琼越经贸关系看海南省参与“两廊一圈”经济合作

"两廊一圈"是指2004年5月由越南政府总理潘文凯提出,10月由中越两国政府联合公报同意合作建设的南宁—河内—海防—广宁经济走廊、昆明—河内—     

解读“两廊一圈”经济区的天时、地利、人和

中越两国政府2004年5月20日提出建设“两廊一圈”经济区(即:昆明—老街—河内—海防—广宁、南宁—谅山—河内—海防—广宁两条经济走廊和环北部湾经济圈)后,立即引起各方的广泛关注。一年多来成了地区性的热门话题,媒体报道不断,评论分析如潮。毫不夸张地说,建立中越“两廊一圈”经济区,是中越两国关系发展史上具有里程碑意义的大事,对两国的经济社会发展、维护和发展友好合作关系、建设和平繁荣安定的边界,都将产生深远的历史影响。正因为它功在当代、利在千秋,对实现这一宏伟构想的客观依据和可行性,就越发值得深究。中国古人常常从天时…     

广西参与“两廊一圈”投资合作与融资对策研究

2004年10月8日,中国、越南发表联合公报,两国政府同意在中国—东盟自由贸易区合作框架下成立专家组,积极探讨组建“两廊一圈”经济合作区的可行性。“两廊一圈”即指“昆明—老街—河内—海防—广宁”、“南宁—谅山—河内—海防—广宁”两个经济走廊和“环北部湾经济圈”,其涉     

新背景下的“两廊一圈”合作

一、问题的提出2004年,越中两国政府总理一致同意"两廊一圈"即昆明(中国)—老街—河内—海防经济走廊、南宁(中国)—谅山—河内—海防经济走廊及北部湾经济圈的计划提到发展双边经济关系的议事日程。这项合作计划非常符合时代发展的趋势和两国经济发展的需求,双方已围绕该主题组织了一些气氛热烈的研讨会,并一致觉得需要实质性地展开这项计划。     

关于南宁-河内-海防经济走廊作用的思考

2002年11月签订的<中国与东盟全面经济合作框架协议>给中国与东盟之间的合作揭开了一个新时期:形成了世界上人口最多、经济总量第三的中国-东盟自由贸易区.东盟中越南的北部省份和中国广西在这一合作中有着重要的作用.已通车的南宁-友谊关高速公路将成为连接中越两国之间,以及中国与东盟之间的血脉交通线.南宁-河内-海防经济走廊已经并正在给各连接点即中国的凭祥和越南谅山的同登和友谊关带来十分光明的发展前景.     

关于中越关系及南宁-谅山-河内-海防经济走廊建设的一些看法

我十分高兴能来到凭祥参加这个非常有意义的研讨会.我将对南宁-谅山-河内-海防经济走廊的建设和中越经济关系发表一些看法.     

越南“两廊一圈”的政策规划建设与中越共建“一带一路”

本文介绍越南"两廊一圈"的政策规划和公路互联互通建设情况、中越开展"两廊一圈"建设的机制,分析中越合作共建"一带一路"的必要性和可行性。     

多重历史机遇下中越边境贸易发展的新思考

近年来,随着中国-东盟自由贸易区建设的快速推进、中国-东盟博览会会址落户南宁、中越两国对"两廊一圈"次区域经济合作发展战略的共识与实际启动等这些有利于中越边境贸易发展的多重机遇的来临,中越边境贸易正面临着在发展中重新定位和选择新的发展战略等一系列需要解决的问题.     

Britain,France, and America's Year of Europe, 1973

Britain's entry into the European Community in 1973 coincided with an American initiative aimed at redefining relations between the United States and Western Europe. This confronted British diplomats with a serious dilemma. They wished to maintain close collaboration with Washington and, for the sake of European unity, to expand on their recently achieved reconciliation with France, a country whose Gaullist elite rejected any further institutionalization of transatlantic relations. French reluctance to engage in a constructive dialogue with the Americans resulted in a fractious debate over the drafting of two seemingly innocuous declarations, and this was exacerbated by the mixed response of the Europeans to the outbreak of the fourth Arab–Israeli war and the ensuing energy crisis. Finally, at the Washington energy conference of February 1974, the British chose to work with the Americans, rather than the French, in seeking to mitigate the economic impact of OPEC's oil policies.     

Britain, France, and America's Year of Europe, 1973

Britain's entry into the European Community in 1973 coincided with an American initiative aimed at redefining relations between the United States and Western Europe. This confronted British diplomats with a serious dilemma. They wished to maintain close collaboration with Washington and, for the sake of European unity, to expand on their recently achieved reconciliation with France, a country whose Gaullist elite rejected any further institutionalization of transatlantic relations. French reluctance to engage in a constructive dialogue with the Americans resulted in a fractious debate over the drafting of two seemingly innocuous declarations, and this was exacerbated by the mixed response of the Europeans to the outbreak of the fourth Arab-Israeli war and the ensuing energy crisis. Finally, at the Washington energy conference of February 1974, the British chose to work with the Americans, rather than the French, in seeking to mitigate the economic impact of OPEC's oil policies.     

The roles of,and relationships between,expatriates, volunteers,and local development workers

This article reports on exploratory research based on interviews with expatriate and local aid workers employed by local and international NGOs in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. Thematic analysis of the interviews found that personnel were placed in groups based on their job category – consultant, volunteer, or permanent staff – regardless of experience. These categories logically reflect each worker's pay level, purpose, and role, but they may also have an implicit power meaning which reinforces group differences and inhibits inter-group relationships. Relationship building was reported to be the most important factor contributing to the success of capacity-development initiatives. Four sub-themes were identified: communication, friendship, reciprocal learning/teaching, and confidence.     

“印太战略”:以美印日澳的战略逻辑、利益与策略选择为分析视角

"印太战略"是美国均势+有限遏制+规制+话语诋毁的混合型战略。它意在前沿、中间地带与后方的三层构建不对称的对华遏制性力量,突破中美双边、单区域战略竞争的狭窄战略空间;在多地域与多维度孤立中国,拉拢更多国家在产业价值链、数字经济等层面与中国切割;制订基础建设投资透明化的新标准,嵌入有利于美国利益的规制;通过国际法、舆论等软性手段抹黑中国的"一带一路"与海权发展。虽然共同逻辑都是制衡中国崛起,但日澳印在策略上强调非对抗性。其中避免成为中国优先反制是日本重要的策略目标;印度在拉达克边界冲突后尚没有形成一个完全倒向美国的战略,因为这必定使其背上沉重的战略包袱,成为美国的附庸;澳大利亚作为地缘政治影响有限的中等国家,在美国反华行动中冲在最前列已使其利益严重受损。而"印太战略"与东盟所推动的包容性、合作安全理念也有着本质的区别,东盟要在"印太地区"发挥中心领导作用,定位"印太"为对话与合作区域。所以由于东盟的抵制、印日澳的消极政策,这个战略形成的攻势将很难保持可持续性,其长期前景并不看好。     

Satisfaction,Alternatives, Investments,and the Microfoundations of Audience Cost Models

In this paper, we suggest that the Investment Model of Commitment, developed in social psychology, offers a solution to an important microfoundational issue in audience cost theory. Audience cost models are useful for thinking about the foreign policy behaviors of democratic and nondemocratic states. However, they often assume that citizens reliably penalize leaders who break their foreign policy promises even though the empirical record suggests this is not always the case. We argue that public commitment to foreign policy assets and relationships is a precondition for the application of audience costs. Using the UN and NATO as case studies, we hypothesize that the commitments people develop to international organizations emerge as a function of (1) their satisfaction with the performance of the organization, (2) the investments in those organizations, and (3) an assessment of the alternatives to these associations. Correlational and experimental tests of the model confirm that the strongest individual-level commitments arise when people are highly satisfied with the performance of specific institutions, believe that much has been invested in support of them, and perceive that the alternatives to particular institutions are poor. Implications for the development of audience cost theory are discussed.     

Lashkar-i-Taiba: Roots,Logistics, Partnerships,and the Fallacy of Subservient Proxies

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