俄罗斯伊斯兰恐怖主义问题

俄罗斯伊斯兰恐怖主义的产生和发展有其特殊的社会和历史文化背景，是一系列因素相互影响的结果，其中包括西亚和中亚伊斯兰教的影响，国际恐怖主义势力的推波助澜和大国在俄罗斯周边地区的竞争，俄罗斯内部特殊的社会经济问题和民族关系问题以及宗教问紧张关系等等。因此，包括俄罗斯、中国在内的国际反恐斗争将是长期和复杂的。削弱恐怖主义意识形态吸引力和消除其得以活动的社会根源有利于彻底打败国际恐怖势力。     

浅析中国反恐的国家利益与实践体系

恐怖主义是当今国际社会的一大公害 ,中国也面临着恐怖主义的威胁 ,尤其是“东突”恐怖势力的威胁 ,“9·11事件”爆发以后 ,中国迅速构建了有中国特色的反恐体系。鉴于很少有关于中国这种反恐实践的论述 ,本文尝试从对中国反恐国家利益的认知出发 ,通过对中国反恐身份和反恐利益的确定 ,来论述中国特色的反恐实践的构建     

初论中亚的反恐怖主义斗争

近年来,中亚地区恐怖主义曾一度十分猖獗,为此,中亚国家采取了加大司法打击力度、增强军事能力等反恐措施,与此同时,积极与相关国家开展合作,在反恐方面已取得了一定成效。2001年“9·11”事件以来,中亚的反恐形势更加有利。然而,中亚国家内部存在诸多不确定因素,如对恐怖主义认识模糊、经济政治形势不容盲目乐观、民族矛盾和领土纠纷隐患严重等,同时,外部形势仍然严峻,如直接诱发和激化恐怖主义的因素存在、反恐合作中的不利因素也日渐突出以及恐怖主义问题有可能被外部势力利用等,因此,中亚的反恐怖主义斗争依然任重道远。     

2003年的国际恐怖与反恐斗争形势综述

20 0 3年国际恐怖主义再掀恶潮 ,并呈现扩大蔓延之势。据不完全统计 ,全年共发生各类恐怖事件380余起 ,造成 1 80 4人死亡 ,5354人受伤 ,远高于“9·1 1”事件后的 2 0 0 2年。以“基地”组织为核心的国际恐怖主义势力的活动呈现出一些新的特点与变化 ,并以中东及其周边地区为主要目标 ,相继掀起两波恐怖活动恶浪。与此同时 ,亚洲地区、南美、非洲及欧洲等地的恐怖活动也很猖獗。国际反恐斗争因美对伊拉克的军事打击而出现一些分歧 ,美绕开联合国的做法不利于国际反恐合作的深入展开 ,亦难以有效遏制恐怖主义活动。纵深透视国际反恐斗争形势…     

巴基斯坦反恐态势及前景

巴基斯坦自”9·11”之后加入美国反恐阵线以来，其国内安全形势不仅未见好转，而且近年来恐怖势力愈加猖獗，暴力袭击事件频发，阿巴边境部落区”塔利班化”日益加剧，直接威胁巴政权体系的稳定。今年8月，巴政府军采取军事行动，使巴境内最大的恐怖主义头目贝图拉·马哈苏德毙命，但恐怖组织的实力并未受到太大削弱．孳生恐怖主义的社会、经济条件依然存在。巴未来反恐斗争仍任重道远。     

俄罗斯与美国反恐战略之比较

在当今世界,俄罗斯和美国是遭受恐怖主义威胁最为严重的两个大国,反恐战略在俄罗斯和美国国家安全战略中都是不可或缺的组成部分。俄美两国在反恐战略的形成、恐怖主义威胁判断、反恐目标、军事反恐战略实践和国际反恐合作等方面有相同之处,也存在显著差别。随着俄美领导人的更换,两国反恐战略都在调整,并且选择了不同的战略取向。反恐是俄美两国合作的重要领域,但俄美反恐战略的分歧可能导致双方之间爆发摩擦乃至冲突。     

关于"9.11"事件后国际局势的几点思考

本文论述了当前国际反恐与反霸的关系,既要突出反恐,又要坚持反霸.霸权主义,尤其是美国的全球霸权主义是产生国际恐怖主义的重要根源之一.国际反恐斗争要做到标本兼治,就必须将反恐与反霸予以有机结合.此外,文章还阐述了"9.11"事件后美俄、美中关系的新调整,剖析了俄美关系急剧靠拢的基本动因及中美关系改善空间的有限性.     

中亚反恐法制建设及其启示

反恐法制化是应对当今恐怖主义常态化挑战的重要举措。中亚地区因其特殊的地缘特点和人文环境成为极端势力进行恐怖主义活动的主要地区之一。为打击中亚恐怖主义,保障地区的稳定与安全,中亚国家近10年来一直在加紧反恐法制建设:通过法律加强国内宗教管理,明确界定恐怖主义概念和恐怖犯罪行为,明确与反恐相关的法律程序,促进国内反恐法律与国际反恐公约的有机衔接。通过完善反恐法律体系,中亚国家这些年在认定恐怖组织和惩办恐怖行为等方面取得了明显成效。中亚国家的做法有不少值得中国学习和借鉴之处。     

俄罗斯反恐危机管理研究

20世纪90年代中期以来, “反恐”成为保障俄罗斯联邦国家安全与社会稳定的重要内 容。作为俄罗斯危机管理机制的重要组成部分, 俄罗斯的反恐管理机制是在预防、制止与打击境内 恐怖主义活动过程中逐渐建立起来的。但与美、英、法等国家不同, 俄罗斯面临的恐怖主义威胁主要 来自于境内, 这使得俄罗斯的面临恐怖活动更难以防范与识别。严峻的恐怖形势在很大程度上决定 了俄罗斯反恐斗争的残酷性、长期性与复杂性, 也决定了俄罗斯反恐管理机制仍将处于不断发展调 整之中     

中亚反恐法律及其评析

恐怖主义是引起当今国际社会普遍关注的问题之一。中亚地区因其特殊的地缘特点和人文环境已成为恐怖主义犯罪行为猖獗的地区。为治理这些犯罪行为,保障中亚的稳定与安全,中亚国家在国内反恐法律中规定了恐怖主义犯罪及其反恐程序的同时,把反恐国际公约转化为国内法律,从法律上为反恐斗争打下了坚实的基础。中亚国家的反恐法律有值得我国借鉴的地方。     

中俄在非传统安全领域的反恐合作

冷战结束后,世界格局发生了巨大变化,原来处于次要地位的非传统安全问题上升至国家乃至地区、世界的战略高度.中俄所面临的一些共同的非传统安全问题需要双方合作才能更好地加以解决.在这些问题中,双方在反对民族分裂主义、宗教极端主义、恐怖主义领域的合作有着非常重要的意义.本文认为中俄在反对恐怖势力方面的合作更多地体现为上海合作组织框架下的合作.上海合作组织经过几年卓有成效的合作和创新实践,打击恐怖主义等"三股势力"的能力得到很大提高,对地区恐怖主义产生了直接的震慑作用,已经成为一个颇有影响的地区性组织.但是还存在一些问题.本文分析了问题产生的原因,提出了在今后的反恐合作上上海合作组织需要采取的对策思路.     

FROM THE DAGGER TO THE BOMB: KARL HEINZEN AND THE EVOLUTION OF POLITICAL TERROR

Historians and political scientists have been quick to draw a continuum between the tyrannicide theories of years gone by and the modern terrorism of today. Yet the underlying motivations and intended results are very different in tyrannicide and terrorism. The question this raises is what changes occurred in the theory of political violence to make the transition between tyrannicide and terrorism possible? In this article, the author looks at the writings of a little-known nineteenth-century journalist, Karl Heinzen, to gain insight into the connection made in the mind of a terrorist between tyrannicide theory and terrorism.     

恐怖主义对俄罗斯的现实威胁及俄政府的对策

在俄罗斯,恐怖主义事件时有发生,其中有很大一部分为车臣恐怖分子所为。这些恐怖活动给俄罗斯人民的身心、俄罗斯正常的社会秩序及俄罗斯的国家安全都造成了巨大威胁。针对这些恐怖活动,俄罗斯政府采取各种举措予以应对。     

Combating terrorism in Russia and Uzbekistan

This article aims to offer a preliminary assessment of Russian and Uzbek attempts to combat terrorism after 9/11. While both cases fit into the larger post-Soviet political narrative, itself shaped by strategic realignments following the events of 9/11, relatively little work has been undertaken to analyse how terrorism and law enforcement have intertwined in order to generate military, legislative and police responses in these countries. Thus, while recognizing how security policies changed in Russia and Uzbekistan immediately after 9/11, this paper argues that policy reactions to home-grown terrorism have, for the most part, continued to be the main driving force behind attempts to combat terrorism. Equally, however, the latter part of this paper argues that a more nuanced account of security in the North Caucasus and Central Asia is needed in order to study terrorism effectively. In particular, the emergence of suicide terrorism in Russia and Uzbekistan raises important issues, not just about post-9/11 law enforcement, but also identity politics, illustrating how diverse local, regional and international forms of identification shape International Relations theory.     

Support for Terrorism: The Role of Beliefs in Jihad and Institutional Responses to Terrorism

ABSTRACT

Passive support for terrorism refers to expressions of sympathy for acts of terrorism and/or the justifications (ideology) used by terrorist groups to legitimise their beliefs and actions. One form of passive support is whether Muslims feel terrorists have valid grievances. Appealing to a sense of grievance is a key way that violent Islamists attempt to recruit fellow Muslims to their cause. Using survey data collected from 800 Muslims living in Australia, this paper examines factors that lead Muslims to believe that terrorists have valid grievances. Factors examined include beliefs in jihad and attitudes towards counterterrorism policing and laws. Other variables included in the analysis are social identity, age, gender, income, religious denomination (Sunni vs. Shia), religious commitment, i.e., Mosque attendance, and recent contact with police. The most significant predictor of passive support for terrorism was found to be particular beliefs in jihad. The perceived legitimacy of counterterrorism laws and trust in police were also important. Implications for countering extremist ideology and generating community cooperation in counterterrorism will be considered.     

The Ancient Fire: Religion and Suicide Terrorism

Does religion lead to greater destructiveness from suicide terrorism? And if so, how does it influence this form of political violence? Recent analyses of terrorism point to the significance of religion, but are divided as to whether religion itself matters, or certain types of religious terrorist groups are actually driving suicide terrorist violence. This article draws on social movement theory and recent work in the study of suicide terrorism to argue that religion influences the severity of suicide terrorist attacks as an ideology groups use to justify their struggle and gain public support. This effect occurs regardless of a group's goals or organizational nature. The theory is tested using a generalized estimating equation to account for multiple attacks by several groups. The study finds that the religious ideology of a group greatly increases the number of deaths from a suicide attack, even if varying group motivations and structural factors are taken into account. The article helps to clarify the effect of religion on contemporary terrorism, contributing to the study of both terrorism and religion and politics.     

FRAMEWORKS FOR CONCEPTUALISING TERRORISM

Terrorism has been situated—and thereby implicitly also defined—in various contexts such as crime, politics, war, propaganda and religion. Depending on which framework one chooses, certain aspects of terrorism get exposed while others are placed ‘outside the picture’ if only one framework is utilised. In this article five conceptual lenses are utilised: 1. terrorism as/and crime; 2. terrorism as/and politics; 3. terrorism as/and warfare; 4. terrorism as/and communication; and 5. terrorism as/and religious fundamentalism.     

Al-Qaeda and the Nature of Religious Terrorism

This article examines the nature of religious terrorism, principally with reference to al-Qaeda. It argues that a distinction must be made between the ultimate aims and the immediate objectives of ‘religious’ terrorists, and that while the ultimate aims will be religiously formulated, the immediate objectives will often be found to be almost purely political. This distinction is illustrated with reference to such pre-modern religious terrorists as the Assassins and Zealots. Immediate objectives, are for many purposes more important than ultimate aims.

Although the immediate objectives of al-Qaeda on 9/11 cannot be established with certainty, it is highly probably that the intention was to provoke a response from the US that would have a radicalizing impact on al-Qaeda's constituency. Reference to public opinion in the Middle East, especially in Egypt, shows that this is indeed what has happened. Such an impact is a purely political objective, familiar to historians of terrorism from at least the time of Errico Malatesta and the ‘propaganda of the deed’ in the 1870s. While no direct link between Malatesta and al-Qaeda exists, al-Qaeda was certainly in contact with contemporary theories that Malatesta would have recognized, and seems to have applied them.

Even though its immediate objectives are political rather than religious, al-Qaeda is a distinctively Islamic group. Not only is its chosen constituency a confessional one, but al-Qaeda also uses—and when necessary adapts—well-known Islamic religious concepts to motivate its operatives, ranging from conceptions of duty to conceptions of ascetic devotion. This is demonstrated with reference to the ‘Last Night’ document of 9/11. The conclusion is that terrorism which can be understood in political terms is susceptible to political remedies.     

中俄农业台作前景广阔——中俄农业十大互补性探析

中俄两国农业具有广泛的互补性:(1)俄土地资源丰富,中国人均土地资源较少;(2)俄出现人口危机,农业劳动力资源匮乏,中国农业劳动力资源丰富;(3)俄近期是中国农机产品的广阔市场;(4)中国将长期进口俄罗斯钾肥;(5)明日的俄罗斯可能成为中国的粮仓;(6)俄将是中国园艺产品的长期市场;(7)俄是中国传统的茶叶市场;(8)俄将是中国猪肉和禽肉的主要出口市场;(9)中国将是俄罗斯牛肉和乳制品的主要出口市场;(10)中俄双方农业科技各具优势,互补互利,加强合作,可促进两国农业经济共同繁荣。中俄农业有着坚实的合作基础和美好的合作前景。目前中俄农业合作仍然存在一些限制因素,但是只要中俄双方都从战略协作伙伴关系的大局着想,从中俄睦邻世代友好的长远利益着想,这些问题都会在不断合作与理解的过程中逐步得到解决。