俄罗斯远东经济形势及对华经贸合作态势（下）

远东是俄罗斯最东部的经济区和联邦区,其发展一直受到俄联邦中央的重视。但由于经济结构和地缘上的特点,该地区在经济与社会发展上遇到更多的困难,其发展速度一直低于全俄水平。对外经贸合作是远东的优先发展方向。近年来,在中俄两国加强区域合作的大好形势下,该地区加强对华经贸合作的态势十分明显。     

俄罗斯远东经济形势及对华经贸合作态势（上）

远东是俄罗斯最东部的经济区和联邦区,其发展一直受到俄联邦中央的重视。但由于经济结构和地缘上的特点,该地区在经济与社会发展上遇到更多的困难,其发展速度一直低于全俄水平。对外经贸合作是远东的优先发展方向。近年来,在中俄两国加强区域合作的大好形势下,该地区加强对华经贸合作的态势十分明显。     

俄罗斯远东对外经贸政策浅析

苏联解体后，俄罗斯制定了远东与外贝加尔国家专项发展纲要，成立了亚太经济合作组织事务跨部门委员会，筹建和扩建远东各自由经济区，积极引进外资和建立外资企业，开放了远东最大的城市符拉迪沃斯托克（海参崴，以下略），加速远东军工企业向民品生产的转轨，增加远东出口产品的生产，给予远东各种特权，实行了一系列加强远东与亚太地区经济一体化的政策，在远东对外经贸政策方面发生了一系列变化，本文仅就俄远东对外经贸政策的变化、影响与问题作一粗浅分析。一、俄罗斯远东对外经贸政策的变化1．制定《远东和外贝加尔1996—2005年经济…     

旅俄华工与俄属远东地区的经济开发

近年来,我国与远东地区的贸易及经济技术合作的迅速发展使中俄经济关系步入了一个崭新阶段。抚今追昔,回顾和研究一下我国同俄国远东的经济关系,特别是华工在远东开发中的作用,总结历史经验,对我国进一步发展同俄国远东的经济合作乃至参与东北亚经济合作具有重要意义。     

俄罗斯远东与后贝加尔：国际经济合作纲要

远东与后贝加尔在经济发展上落后于全俄水平,需要国家给予政策支持。俄联邦政府通过实施联邦纲要的途径促进远东与后贝加尔经济与社会发展。在纲要中,进一步加强国际经济合作被列为今后远东优先发展方向,实施一系列国际经济合作方案,扩大对外贸易,将是远东与后贝加尔今后重点开展的工作。     

中国人在远东:从"威胁"到促进远东经济稳定发展的因素

上个世纪90年代,由于中国公民大量进入俄罗斯远东,在远东乃至全俄曾流行所谓"中国威胁"和"中国扩张"的言论,误导了公众,制约了中俄两国经贸合作迅速发展.然而近两年来,随着两国战略协作伙伴关系向纵深发展,"中国威胁"的喧嚣逐渐为"加强对华合作"的呼声所取代.在远东的中国人也不再被认为是"威胁",而被当作是促进远东经济稳定发展的因素.促成这一转变的原因很多.这一变化无疑为我国开展对俄劳务合作带来广阔前景.当然,在该领域还有许多问题需要双方共同努力去解决.     

俄远东铁路货物运输及其国际合作

铁路运输是远东主要的运输形式,西伯利亚大铁路在远东铁路货物运输中发挥着至关重要的作用。近年来远东铁路运输经济效益较低,面临着许多困难。为此远东铁路部门采取了相应的措施,并取得了一定的成效。远东铁路货物运输潜力巨大,与东北亚地区各国的合作为其未来的发展带来了新的契机。     

俄罗斯远东经济发展战略的区域经济学分析

论文重点阐述俄罗斯远东发展战略的主体思想,从区域经济学的角度分析其可行性和潜在优势,分析了远东发展战略主要采用了区域经济一体化的发展思路,能源开发对区域经济合作的聚焦作用,区域发展的点轴理论与开发模式,区域产业梯次发展的理论模式,区域基础设施建设的引力作用,区域发展的优区位开发模式.     

我国东北与俄远东及西伯利亚地区从贸易互补向战略合作转型的必然趋势

2007年8月20日，中俄两国几乎同时正式推出了东部地区发展战略，把加强和扩大两个相邻地区，即中国东北和俄远东及西伯利亚的经济合作与交流提高到了战略高度，这标志着两地的经济合作进入一个新的阶段。为了推动我国东北与远东及西伯利亚地区经济合作与交流向更广、更深的方向发展，必须改变传统的以货物贸易为主的合作模式，实现从贸易互补向战略合作的转型。     

《远东与外贝加尔纲要》及哈巴罗夫斯克边疆区与中国发展合作的前景

包括哈巴罗夫斯克边疆区在内的俄罗斯东部正在实施《远东与外贝加尔地区1996—2005年和2010年前的经济社会发展纲要》。制定和采用这项联邦专项纲要是国家调节俄东部地区发展的政治和经济要务。这个纲要的基本目标是,在维护地缘战略利益的同时,为远东和外贝加尔地区经济稳定发展创造条件;建立必要的基础设施,营造良好的投资氛围,实现主导经济部门的发展;大力推进国际和边境地区合作规划和项目;更好地完成社会领域任务。在该纲要中明确提出了本地区发展的优先方向:燃料能源系统(采取各种措施扩大石油和天然气出口,保障能源的稳定供应);交通运…     

Diplomatic Interactions and Negotiations

This article examines the role of state actors, organization agencies, and individual agents in diplomatic interactions and negotiations. States as diplomatic actors, organizations as diplomatic agencies, and individuals as diplomatic agents enter into complex and interdependent relationships. Proposing a three‐level analysis of interstate interactions and diplomatic negotiations, I argue that no diplomatic negotiation happens without interactions between parties at the state, organizational, and individual levels. The agency–structure paradigm provides a conceptual framework for understanding behavioral and structural properties of international interactions and their influence on diplomatic negotiations. Diplomatic negotiation employs specific forms of interaction, using a distinct language, protocol norms, symbols, ceremonies, and rituals. The state's “self” (as a social conception of its identity, values, and interests) affects the process of diplomatic negotiation. By managing, organizing, and improving international interactions at the actor, agency, and agent levels, negotiating parties can advance the process and effectiveness of diplomatic negotiation.     

Affective images of the public political mind: Semantic differential reference frames for an experience of the 1988 presidential campaign

This project seeks theoretical and methodological advances in the study of political advertising effects during election campaigns. On the theoretical side, we hypothesize that racial cues embedded in standard political advertising appeals, involving taxation and government spending, boost opinion constraint by priming global political ideology. On the methodological side, we replicate a lab experiment in face-toface interviews with a probability sample of a large metropolitan area. Results suggest that subtle race cues do increase issue constraint for "racialized" issues such as welfare, affirmative action, crime policy, and the overall size of government. Constraint of opinions about issues less relevant to race, such as abortion, spending on public schools, universal health care, and raising the minimum wage, does not increase as a result of exposure to racial cues. Global ideology is powerfully primed by implicit racial cues embedded in typical political appeals. Finally, though demographic differences in the samples moderate some effects, the general pattern is highly consistent across the two research settings. Implications for strategic communication during campaigns, group centrism in American elections, and the benefits of methodological pluralism in the study of media effects are discussed.     

美国《网络空间国际战略》评析

在信息化时代,网络空间承载着国家政治、经济、文化和军事发展与安全的重荷。网络空间存在的黑客攻击、网络犯罪和网络恐怖主义事件层出不穷,因此网络空间安全已上升到国家安全战略的层面,美国政府于2011年5月16日发布的《网络空间国际战略》引起世界各国瞩目。美国《网络空间国际战略》以"共同创造繁荣、安全、开放的网络世界"为基本宗旨,以"基本自由、隐私和信息流动自由"为核心原则,从经济、网络安全、司法、军事、网络管理、国际发展、网络自由等诸方面为美国未来网络安全战略的发展指明了方向。《网络空间国际战略》的出台表明美国政府已将网络安全提升到国际战略的新高度,它隐含着美国谋求网络空间霸权的战略目标,具有引领国际战略新变革和引发网络空间价值观冲突的现实战略效能,它对中美关系的影响和中国的应对之策也是值得认真分析和思考的。     

断奶仔猪胃肠道乳酸菌及芽孢杆菌的分离鉴定

为研制优良的猪用益生菌制剂,从断奶仔猪胃肠道分离乳酸菌和芽孢杆菌,结合细菌的形态特征、生理生化指标,运用16SrRNA基因序列分析方法对其进行了鉴定。结果表明,分离株WR、KR、HR、JR分别为胃、空肠、回肠、结肠源的唾液乳杆菌(Lactobacillus salivarius);ZR株为直肠源的约氏乳杆菌(Lactobacillus johnsonii);MR株为盲肠源的粪肠球菌(Enterococcus faecalis);分离株WY、SY、KY分别为胃、十二指肠、空肠源的枯草芽孢杆菌(Bacillus subtilis);HY株为回肠源的蜡样芽孢杆菌(Bacillus cere-us)。各分离株的生长曲线有明显差异,HR、ZR和WY株的生长速度较快,分别于接种后第12、12和20小时达到生长高峰期,显示了良好的培养特性。     

Minority representation in a semi-democratic regime: the Georgian case

This article suggests that in most semi-democracies, the same solution might not be that favourable to minorities. Many semi-democratic countries either restrict party competition or limit parties of ethnic minorities, including: Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kirgistan, Cameron, Equatorial Guinea, Tanzania, Gabon, Kenya, Mauritania, and Congo (Brazzaville). This article highlights the impact of the electoral system and the importance of political plurality and electoral district design in such contexts. The article argues that the interests of minorities are best protected if they can elect their representatives in small, ethnically homogeneous electoral districts. Plurality or majority voting systems offer minorities the possibility to run with independent candidates. The case study in this article elections to municipal councils in Georgia in 2006 under a mixed electoral system seem to reflect the hypothesized pattern.     

胰岛素受体mRNA在新生犊牛组织中的表达

应用半定量RT-PCR方法检测了新生犊牛中枢神经系统和外周组织中胰岛素受体(in-sulin receptor,InsR)基因的表达。结果表明,InsR基因在肝、皮下脂肪、半腱肌、胰、肾皮质、脾、心、肺、下丘脑、肠系膜淋巴结、主动脉、十二指肠、结肠、垂体、大脑皮质、小脑皮质中都有表达。其中,肝、半腱肌、下丘脑、胰、主动脉、垂体中InsR基因的表达量显著多于其他组织(P<0.05)。InsR基因在各组织中的广泛分布表明胰岛素在体内具有广泛的生理功能。     

Hybrid security governance in Africa: rethinking the foundations of security,justice and legitimate public authority

This article asks whether the concept of ‘hybridity’ offers a more convincing account of security governance in Africa than the standard state-focused models. It seeks to clarify the complex intersections between formal and informal, state and non-state security actors, and the varied terrains on which hybridity is constructed, instrumentalised and recalibrated over time. Rather than romanticising informal or ‘traditional’ institutions, it suggests that they too embed their own power hierarchies, become sites of contestation, and do not work equally well for everyone, least of all for the weak, vulnerable and excluded. Thus the focus is placed upon the real governance of security in hybrid systems, and the patterns of inclusion and exclusion (including gender biases) they reinforce. Finally the paper considers how policy-makers and shapers can work with the grain of hybrid security arrangements to create more legitimate, broadly-based and effective African security governance.     

Cognitive Maelstroms,Nested Negotiation Networks,and Cascading Decision Effects: Modeling and Teaching Negotiation Complexity with Systemic Multiconstituency Exercises

Negotiation practitioners today struggle to manage complex political, economic, and cultural disputes that often involve an array of intertwined issues, parties, process choices, and consequences – both intended and unintended. To prepare next‐generation negotiators for these multifaceted challenges, negotiation instructors must keep pace with the rapidly evolving complexity of today's world. In this article, we introduce systemic multiconstituency exercises (SMCEs), a new educational tool for capturing this emerging reality and helping to close the experiential learning gap between the simulated and the non‐simulated environment. We discuss our pedagogical rationale for developing The Transition, a seventy‐two‐party SMCE inspired by the complex conflicts in Afghanistan and Central Asia and then describe our experiences conducting multiple iterations of this simulation at Harvard University. We argue that SMCEs, in which stakeholders are embedded in clusters of overlapping networks, differ from conventional multiparty exercises because of their immersive character, emergent properties, and dynamic architecture. This design allows for the creation of crucial negotiation complexity challenges within a simulated exercise context, most importantly what we call “cognitive maelstroms,” nested negotiation networks, and cascading decision effects. Because of these features, SMCEs are uniquely suited for training participants in the art of network thinking in complex negotiations. Properly designed and executed, systemic multiconstituency exercises are next‐generation teaching, training, and research platforms that carefully integrate negotiation, leadership, and decision‐making challenges.