“伊斯兰国”崛起的影响及前景

"伊斯兰国"组织利用叙利亚、伊拉克乱局迅速崛起,已构成国际恐暴势力主干,不仅威胁叙伊两国政权,而且催生"溢出效应",对地区和全球安全构成挑战。"伊斯兰国"的崛起打乱了美国的中东战略部署,迫使美国调整地区议程,将遏制"伊斯兰国"扩张作为优先事项。但是,美目前出台的相关举措局限性明显,恐难遏制"伊斯兰国"扩张势头,打击恐怖主义亟需扩大国际合作。     

“伊斯兰国”遭重创后前景评估

近两年来,在美俄各自主导的反恐力量、叙利亚和伊拉克政府军、库尔德人武装等多方力量的打击下,恐怖组织"伊斯兰国"的军事实力、领土面积和财政收入损失惨重。2017年7月,"伊斯兰国"占领的伊拉克摩苏尔地区丢失,这标志着该组织在遭受沉重打击后进入衰败阶段。但目前该组织并未消亡,而是在组织结构、战术策略和恐怖手段等方面发生了变化。转变后的"伊斯兰国"将继续利用网络技术和社交工具传播极端思想、制造恐怖活动、获得资金支持。此外,"伊斯兰国"武装人员的扩散、跨国"圣战者"的回流及其庞大的分支网络和众多的效忠团体将继续对中东和世界的安全形势构成威胁。为此,国际社会应加强协作,将"伊斯兰国"残存势力清除出叙伊境内,建立以大国协调为基础的国际反"伊斯兰国"合作机制,消除其重新崛起的威胁。     

从打击“伊斯兰国”行动透视俄罗斯反恐新态势

俄罗斯在叙利亚境内对极端主义势力"伊斯兰国"发动的大规模空袭,是其维护国家安全,维护及拓展地区利益,从战略层面实现俄罗斯外交突围而采取的行动。与以往相比,俄罗斯此次反恐行动有一些变化:首先,这是冷战结束后俄罗斯第一次成建制规模的海外反恐军事行动;其次,俄罗斯此举有意与美国争夺国际反恐话语权;第三,以往俄罗斯在国际反恐领域积极合作的对象主要是独联体国家和美国等西方国家,此次行动加强了与中东地区国家的合作,组建了新的反恐联盟。俄罗斯此次反恐行动取得了部分积极效果,一定程度上达到了其战略目的,但同时俄罗斯在叙利亚的行动也面临巨大挑战。俄罗斯此次行动不仅对中东地区安全局势有重大影响,也深刻影响着其国内的反恐形势。     

国家地位信号释放与俄罗斯军事干预叙利亚

俄罗斯自2015年9月开始军事干预叙利亚危机。对于俄罗斯为何进行军事干预以及采取空袭的干预方式,国内外学术界尚存争议。俄罗斯军事干预叙利亚的主要目标是通过干预行动向不同的目标观众——包括叙利亚巴沙尔政权、叙反对派、"伊斯兰国"等恐怖组织和以美国为首的西方国家等——发出一系列的地位信号,以巩固和重塑俄罗斯的大国地位。针对不同的目标观众,俄罗斯使用了"炫耀性消费""分享性给予""倾向性解释"和"寻求性斗争"四种信号传导策略。就效果来看,俄罗斯的军事干预大致实现了其预期目标。通过地位信号这一视角分析俄罗斯军事干预叙利亚的目标与策略,不仅提供了一种理解国家行为的分析框架,也能为推动叙利亚问题的解决提供一定启发。     

“出兵-撤兵”与俄罗斯在叙利亚地缘政治目标的实现

叙利亚危机爆发后第五年，俄罗斯正式出兵叙利亚，成为打击“伊斯兰国”的重要力量。通过军事行动，俄罗斯成功阻止了恐怖活动的进一步蔓延、提升了自身国际影响力、在困境中绝处逢生。当前，中东地区矛盾依旧纷繁复杂，多方势力持续深度博弈，俄罗斯两次宣布从叙利亚撤出部队，展现了其军事-外交联动运用的“巧实力”，获得了战略红利、实现了部分既定地缘政治目标。然而，俄罗斯长期介入叙利亚与美国及西方展开地缘博弈，对其国家振兴无疑是一个沉重的负担，尤其是叙利亚持续动荡的局势及域外大国的深度介入，使俄罗斯虽两次宣布撤兵，却从未真正撤出，围绕叙利亚及中东地区主导权和国际话语权的争夺还将在各大国间反复上演。随着普京开启其第四个总统任期，俄罗斯在解决叙利亚危机、破除西方制裁、振兴国家经济等问题上依然面临严峻挑战，这需要普京和俄罗斯精英阶层寻求解决问题的“新思路”。     

后冷战时代叙利亚与美国关系

冷战时期叙利亚与美国关系长期冷淡,海湾战争后叙美关系得到较大改善;九一一事件后,在美国发动的全球反恐怖主义战争中,叙美在如何界定恐怖主义和由谁主导反恐斗争的问题上存在严重分歧;叙利亚坚决反对美国军事打击伊拉克,但在美国的压力下给予了一定合作;伊拉克战争后,美国迫使叙利亚从黎巴嫩撤军,结束了“叙黎特殊关系”,叙利亚处境较为孤立;未来叙美关系仍将在合作中存在根本性分歧,但继续保持合作。     

美国反恐新政策解析

面对恐怖主义极端势力的强势进攻,美国最终从幕后走向前台,出台新政,希望"削弱并彻底摧毁""在伊拉克和叙利亚的伊斯兰国"(ISIS,以下简称"伊斯兰国")。新政具有广泛的综合性,实施以空袭为主的军事介入,将叙利亚危机嵌入反恐战争,同时组建网络新反恐国际联盟,开展人道主义援助等。可以说,由于"伊斯兰国"的崛起,奥巴马政府对伊拉克政策出现颠覆性改变,经历了从"撒手"到"重返"的转变。这其中既有美延续反恐、维护自身及盟友利益的需要,同时亦映射出美主导中东局势、保持领导力的实质。但在奥巴马剩余任期不到两年的情况下,美国不会大幅度调整其中东政策,会出现从克制、收缩到进取、干预政策的小幅回摆。     

“伊斯兰国”对中亚地区的安全威胁:迷思还是现实?

对于"伊斯兰国"是否会对中亚地区安全构成威胁以及这种威胁的程度如何,国内外学术界的看法存在诸多分歧。"伊斯兰国"通过招募中亚地区的人员和对各国的边界进行袭扰,并通过意识形态宣传扩大其价值观在中亚地区的影响力等方式,的确对该地区安全形势带来了一定的冲击。不过,"伊斯兰国"对中亚安全形势的影响是有限的。这主要是因为,"伊斯兰国"在国际反恐联盟的打击下,地面作战部队被限制在叙利亚一伊拉克境内,无法在中亚地区开展直接的攻击。此外,由于中亚伊斯兰特殊的发展经历,使"伊斯兰国"的意识形态在当地缺乏群众基础。这些因素,决定了"伊斯兰国"对中亚安全的影响主要体现在促进该地区部分极端势力思想的进一步激进化或激励部分恐怖分子发起"独狼式"恐怖活动等。随着"伊斯兰国"的战场失利,部分"圣战"分子回流中亚,需要对"伊斯兰国"与中亚安全之间的关联性予以更多关注,并尽早研究对策。     

世界大事综览

2014年1月世界大事综述如下: 一、伊拉克和大叙利亚伊斯兰国宣布在伊拉克建国.3日,“基地”组织分支伊拉克和大叙利亚伊斯兰国占领伊拉克费卢杰市,升起“基地”组织的黑色旗帜,公开宣布建立伊斯兰酋长国.4日,伊拉克总理马利基发表讲话称,政府军将“继续战斗、决不退缩,直到把盘踞在安巴尔省的所有恐怖分子全部消灭,使该省人民免受恐怖主义威胁”.     

美国反恐新政解析

面对伊斯兰国的强势进攻,美国最终从幕后走向前台,出台新政,希望"削弱并将其彻底摧毁"。美反恐新政具有广泛的综合性:实施以空袭为主的军事介入,将叙利亚危机嵌入反恐战争,组建国际反恐联盟,军事援助和人道主义援助并行。可以说,由于伊斯兰国的崛起,奥巴马政府的伊拉克政策出现颠覆性改变,经历从"撒手"到"重返"的转变。这其中既有美延续反恐、维护自身及盟友利益的需要,同时亦映射出美主导中东局势、保持领导力的实质。但奥巴马剩余任期只有两年,美不会大幅度调整中东政策,仅是从克制、收缩到进取、干预政策的小幅回摆。     

Terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir in theory and practice

This article argues there is a need for a more nuanced analysis of terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir than has been available so far. First, the popular legitimacy of violent groups has little bearing on their operation. Rather, the keys to the intensity of terrorist activity are held by Pakistan's military establishment. Second, the supposedly secular-nationalist movement of the early 1990s was in fact deeply Islamist in character; there has been a greater unity of thought underpinning terrorism than the literature admits. Finally, the article argues, the operation of terrorism needs to be read not simply in the limited context of Jammu and Kashmir, but as part of a larger South Asian crisis of identity.     

Institutional divergence and convergence in the Asia-Pacific? ASEAN in practice and in theory

This paper gives attention to the geopolitics related to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as an alternative model of regionalism in theory and practice. Offering a rough periodization of ASEAN in IR theory, it considers interacting theoretical and empirical developments, and their geopolitics as one way to think about, first, ASEAN, its defining dynamics and processes of change, and, second, ASEAN's relationship to a larger IR theory literature defined by US preoccupations and the institutional trajectory of the European Union. Three periods are considered: a Cold War period, when ASEAN norms and practices developed relatively insulated from great power expectations and theorizing about ASEAN was minimal; the 1990s, when constructivist theorizing encouraged new thinking about alternative institutional models; and the 2000s, a period characterized by correlating great power pressures and a ‘functional’ turn in academic and theoretical debates about ASEAN. Special attention is given to the United States as a major, leading actor in both world politics and the institutionalization of international relations as a discipline, as well as the possibilities and constraints of institutional divergence in theory and practice.     

Islam and politics in Europe and in Asia: Comparative reflections

This article compares the role of religion, and of Islam in particular, in politics in Europe and in South and South East Asia. It starts out with the policy dilemmas facing France, Europe's most secular country that also has Europe's largest immigrant Muslim community. After long debates nation-wide Muslim organisation is now sponsored by the state in order to strengthen moderate Islam in France. In contrast, explicit Christian parties are in decline in most of Europe. Those who are still electorally successful are Christian mostly in name only and have turned into centre-right conservative people's parties instead. Religious discourse in politics has hence vanished almost entirely in Europe. In difference in Asia Islamic opposition parties have managed to set increasingly the political agenda in the majority Islamic states. In those countries with an Islamic minority their public religious agitation serves to strengthen their ethnic minority identity. Meaningful bi-continental dialogue needs to be aware of this discrepancy in religious politics.     

Simultaneous in Growth and Different in Problems

Lu: On many occasions, politics and economy are in the same strain. Economic life is the only process that runs through history and undergoes environmental changes. World economy is the only world system. In today's world, the closer ties among various countries in e- conomy cause the complexity of political and foreign affairs. Last year's world economy took on a new feature. According to past experiences, when the economy in a region turns better, problems will usually arise in another regi…     

经济继续衰退 改革面临困境——2002年拉美经济形势述评

20 0 2年 ,拉丁美洲和加勒比地区 (以下简称拉美地区 )的经济形势可以概括为 :经济继续衰退 ,改革面临困境。根据联合国拉美经济委员会最近发表的年度总结报告 ,拉美地区经济在上年仅增长 0 .4%的基础上 ,2 0 0 2年出现负增长 ( -0 .5% ) ,为最近 2 0年来首次出现负增长。人均国内生产总值 ( GDP)为 -1 .9%。阿根廷、乌拉圭和委内瑞拉的 GDP分别下降 1 1 %、1 0 .5%和 7% ,是衰退最严重的国家 ;秘鲁、多米尼加和厄瓜多尔 3国的增长率超过3 % ,算是拉美地区的佼佼者 ;其他国家的增长率都不到 3 % ,其中巴西和墨西哥两个地区大国分别只增长…     

中印关系的回顾与展望

60年来,中印两国关系走过了一个不平坦的过程,大体上经历了"蜜月"期、冲突期、冷战期、解冻期、回暖期和加热期这样6个阶段。历史的经验教训说明,中印两国合则互利,斗则两伤,这已成为中印双方的共识。人们有理由相信,随着双方政治互信、经贸互惠、文化互通的日益加强,中印两国能够创造出共同繁荣的景象,能够为亚洲乃至世界和平作出重要贡献。     

明清小说《剪灯新话》在朝鲜和越南的传播

本文主要探讨明清小说《剪灯新话》在朝鲜的传播、影响及其本土化，并与《剪灯新话》在越南的传播进行宏观对比，探讨《剪灯新话》在朝鲜和越南的不同境遇。     

中日两国对东南亚基础设施投资的竞合及影响研究

在21世纪第二个十年,中国与日本在对东南亚基础设施投资方面展开激烈竞争和初步合作.相对而言,在甄选东南亚基础设施项目进行投资过程中,中国更加追求地缘政治目标,日本则凸显了浓重的重商主义色彩,这在某种程度上缓解了双方的直接竞争.在对东南亚基础设施投资中,中国更多地运用了一种政府驱动、需求引导、自上而下的方法,日本则主要采取了市场驱动、私营部门大力参与、自下而上的方法,这瓦解了双方合作的基础.目前,中国与日本对东南亚基础设施投资的合作只在第三方市场少量地展开.中日两国在东南亚基础设施投资方面的竞争是双方争夺地区影响力的一部分.但是,中国与日本在东南亚各国的基础设施投资竞争并不会造成东盟内部的分裂,相反,考虑到基础设施建设的非流动性,这必将造福于东南亚人民.     

Party competition in emerging democracies: representation and effectiveness in post-communism and beyond

Competition among political parties is subject to two demands: representation and effectiveness. This poses a dilemma for democratization, as the political opening creates pressures for the representation of long-suppressed voices, but the strain of socio-economic transformation engenders pressures for greater effectiveness in building market economies and democratic polities. How do new democracies cope with this dilemma? This article extends the author's previously published work on party-system institutionalization by focusing explicitly on this problem, including on how electoral reforms affect the distinct pulls of representation and effectiveness. Based on data from eastern European and former Soviet states compared to western European and Latin American experiences during their initial periods of democratization, the evidence shows that the institutionalization of representation and effectiveness in post-communism is more hazardous. Politics in the post-communist region is characterized by numerous contending parties, weak political actors and floating constituencies. Volatility is not only higher in comparison to other regions but continues unabated during successive elections. These conditions contribute to the ‘ineffective representation’ evident in the relatively large share of wasted votes at each election, with significant sectors of the electorate left out from legislative representation. Electoral reforms reflect the twin pressures: changes in formula in the direction of proportional representation favour broader representation, but higher thresholds seeking greater effectiveness make more difficult entry into parliament. The resulting mechanical and strategic effects confirm the expected direction of the reforms, although the contrary pulls towards representation and effectiveness render difficult the stabilization of party competition.