China's New Neighboring Diplomacy

China＇s new thinking about neighboring diplomacy in Asia since the end of Cold War can be analyzed theoretically from angle of international institutions. China utilizes institutionalism with great flexibility in four sub-regions-Central Asia, Northeast Asia, Southeast Asia and South Asia, where institutional models-dominant participation, deep participation, active participation and moderate participation models have been adopted. In the four sub-regions in Asia, China has handled the presence of U.S interests well and responded reasonably to the United States＇ Asian diplomacy. China and the United States have therefore achieved a compatible coexistence in Asia. Compatibility and coexistence between China and the United States in Asia are the fundamental reasons that China has made progress in this new stage, and are the essence of the new thinking in China＇s neighboring diplomacy.     

An Analysis of China's Power Status and International Standing

Many Chinese scholars have described China as the world＇s second biggest power after the U.S.. This is based on two facts. First, China overtook Japan in total economic output measured by GDP in 2010 to become the world＇s second biggest economy. Some scholars argue that China still lags behind the U.S. in comprehensive national power and in this sense it is also ranked second） The other is that Sino-U.S. relations are frequently described as the rise and fall of big powers, especially when referring to the Asia-Pacific region. It is the latest example of how relations between a rising power and one struggling to maintain its status have been so complex in the long history of international relations. While many people talk about the possibility that China will overtake the U.S. in the future, others talk about a G2.2 If we look closely at global trends and changes to China＇ s international environment, if we examine what exactly we mean by power status, we will have a much deeper understanding of China＇ s current power status from which we can build a solid foundation for this country＇ s foreign strategy and diplomacy.     

New Posture of U.S.＇ Asia-Pacific Strategy

Throughout the Cold War era that follows World War Ⅱ, Europe has always been the focus as well as the center of U.S.-Soviet contention for world hegemony, and hence the main emphasis of the U.S. global strategy and its military deployment has always been in Europe. After the end of the Cold War, especially in recent years, although Europe continues to serve as the pivot of the United States＇ global strategy, the position of the Asia-Pacific region in U.S. global strategy has been greatly elevated along with the evolvement of the international situation and the transformation of world power pattern, especially with the rising of Asia＇s position in world politics, economy and strategy. The main emphasis of the global strategic deployment of the United States is gradually shifting toward the Asia-Pacific region.     

China＇s Think Tanks in Global Transition

With China now the world＇s second-largest economy,the status and role of China＇s think tanks have become an increasing concem.On the whole,the international status of China＇ s think tanks is not commensurate with the country＇ s current international status.The University of Pennsylvania＇ s The Global Go To Think Tanks Report published in 2014 said that as of August 2013,China had 426 think tanks,second only to the U.S.with 1,828.But of the top 100 non-U.S.think tanks in the world only 5 are Chinese,and in the 150 most influential global think tanks,only 6 are from China—with the rest mostly from Europe.China＇ s think tanks lack professionalism and influence.1 This is why China has been pushing to improve its think tanks internationally.In April 2013,President Xi Jinping proposed building a ＂new think tank with Chinese characteristics＂.     

U.S. Policy Towards Southeast Asia

Greater East Asia is expected to be the next theatre for world politics. 1 East Asian cooperation is rapidly developing through the channels of ASEAN Plus Three （APT） and East Asia Summit （EAS）, both driven by ASEAN. Southeast Asia is a region of diverse states and cultures that brings together all the major powers of the Asian-Pacific in a myriad of strategic interests. It is thus an open arena with the potential for a variety of strategic game-playing, options, and uncertain outcomes.2 In recent years, China＇s developing relationship with Southeast Asia has undergone a significant shift as the U.S.＇ distraction elsewhere and neglect of the region have created opportunities for an increased Chinese diplomatic and economic role in Southeast Asia.3 U.S. analysts are concerned about what may lie behind this shift in China-ASEAN relations, how it may affect American interests in the region and how best to react to the changes. Some have expressed concerns that to avoid becoming distanced from the region the U.S. should pay more attention to Southeast Asia, rather than just watching from a distance. This paper attempts to analyze the possible changes of U.S. policy towards Southeast Asia in the current context of East Asian Cooperation and its implications for China.     

Business as Usual

In the years since 9/11, there is no doubt that the emphasis of U.S. global strategy has been on counter-terrorism and the war in Iraq. During this period of time, the U.S. investment in strategic, political and military resources in the Middle East, Iraq, and the war on terror, which are the top priorities on the list of Bush＇s foreign policy, has been far greater than in any other fields. However, there are some in the U.S. who believe that China＇s rise has been much ignored by the U.S., due to the global war on terror （GWOT）, and that America should, in fact, be focusing more on China, not the Middle East. However, as we see it, China has by no means been ignored by the U.S., neither has China＇s rise been the result of U.S. ignorance.     

Abstracts

1.The Korean Nuclear Issue Tests Obama＇s Asia Diplomacy,.by Shi Yongming, Senior Researcher, China Institute of International Studies and Guest Researcher of CPDS. Obama＇s Asia policy has just shown an outline of its ＂smart diplomacy＂, i.e., on the premise of sticking to the basic strategy, it attaches great importance to strengthening relationship with the newly-emerging powers and seeks to extend the U.S. influence on Asia by means of dialogue and cooperation. However, the Korean nuclear issue, which is very likely to reach a complicated and even dangerous impasse, is now testing Asia policy of the U.S. new administration. The issue is not only a strategic bottleneck that is a reflection of U.S.-DPRK relationship, but also is constrained by Japan and ROK, whose interests are closely related to the changes of the situation, as well as by some political elements in the U.S.     

Recognizing the Global Economic Order’s Restraint on China’s Peaceful Development

China’s economy has soared to be world’s second largest, while its peaceful rise has been increasingly constrained by the global economic order. Regionally, directed by the U.S.’s rebalancing policy in Asia, the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP) is changing the direction of economic cooperation in Asia.     

Common Economic Development Remains the Principal Driving Force in the Region

Security issues have become the focus of U.S. scholars and politicians examining the recent changes to China＇s periphery strategy. This includes such issues as territorial and maritime disputes, changes to ally networks brought about by the U.S.＇ return to the Asia-Pacific, and certain major changes to national security policies. While these security issues are urgent, development is still key for China＇s neighbors. They view this issue from a broader strategic perspective and against a long-term historical perspective. This has had a direct and profound effect on the evolution of China＇s periphery security environment.     

International System and China＇s Asia-Pacific Strategy

What impact does a shift in the global distribution of power have on the international order？ According to the views of traditional realists, power transitions in the international order are usually accompanied by major wars, the best example being the two world wars of the twentieth century. China＇s peaceful rise is conducive to the peace and stability of Asia and Pacific regions. The steady rise of China＇s position and its role in dealing with international and regional problems have proved China＇s success in ＂cooperative security＂. This paper analyzes the security order in the Asia-Pacific region1 that China wants to construct to provide important guarantees to its peaceful rise. Firstly, I review and compare key arguments about the transition of international systems and China＇s Asia-Pacific strategy, Secondly, I investigate the dynamics between China＇s peaceful rise and the ＂cooperative security＂ which I think are the collective embodiments of modem transformation and the restructuring of China＇s traditional strategic culture. Thirdly, I examine how to construct a mechanism of cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region to guarantee China＇s peaceful rise on both political and economic levels. Economic cooperation and free trade in Asia-Pacific region is an important route to regional economic integrity which will guarantee China＇s role in maintaining the political and economic security in the region.     

Changes in China＇s Energy Situation and Its Strategy for Energy Security

As world consumption of energy grows fast, the proven petro- leum reserves are limited in today＇s world, and the oil price fluctuates and most often soars up sharply, energy has become a most crucial factor in the world economy and the energy security problem has increasingly become an important focus of attention for the international community. Owing to the big size and the fast growth-rate of China＇s economy, it is only too natural that China＇s energy situation, including its energy import, and its energy policy and strategy have been watched closely and discussed extensively by the whole world with wide-spread interest. It might be useful for this paper to give a brief account of the actual situation of China＇s energy production and consumption and China＇s relevant strategy for energy security.     

China and the Pacific Island Countries

Since formal diplomatic relations between China and Fiji were established in 1975, China has gradually developed its bilateral and multilateral relations with the Pacific islands countries （PICs）. Especially in recent years, China has deepened its involvement in the South Pacific, and its influence in the region has been growing rapidly. Today, China appears to be one of the major players in the South Pacific region. This increased Chinese engagement has drawn wide attention in academic and political circles. While some scholars and analysts take a positive view of such an engagement, others are concerned about the rising presence of China in the region. Is China＇s engagement with the South Pacific a new strategic threat or not？ This paper will examine the major motives underlying China＇s engagement with the South Pacific and analyze the implications of China＇s engagement for the PICs and Australia.     

The Changing Asia-Pacific Strategic Picture

Battlefield for Strategic Rivalry
In recent years, the Asia-Pacific strategic configuration has entered a stare of in-depth readiustments. The relative decline of the United States,China＇s rapid rise, Russia＇s fast revival and Japan＇s quickening step toward a ＂normal country＂ have combined to turn regional multi-polarity into a reality. Not surprisingly, the world＇ s strategic structure has begun to focus on the region, with intensifying rivalry among major countries centered on economic competition and aggravating geopolitical game conducive to a security dilemma. As a matter of fact, U.S.-Japanese provocations have been at work in tuming regional hotspot issues into tools for such a game. As a result, escalating security threats to China in the East and South China Seas are converging into potential risks of collision and conflicts with other contenders.     

Some Personal Thoughts on Peace and Security in the Korean Peninsula

Peace and stability in the Korean peninsula is a premise and necessary condition for the security of Northeast Asia and China＇s surrounding areas. It is also critical for China＇s peaceful development. The end of the confrontation between the two camps led respectively by the U.S. and USSR over 20 years ago has not brought the Gospel of peace and security to the Korean peninsula, nor has it really changed the standoff situation of cold war in the peninsula. On the contrary,     

China-Europe Cooperation for the Development of Africa：Concepts and Policies

In recent years, the growth of China＇s economy and the elevation of China-Africa relations have caused complex changes in China＇s relations with the outside world. The rapid development of China-Africa relations is a showcase for the development process of Asia and Africa, through which we can see that both Asia and Africa are revitalizing and a new world is taking shape     

Spatial Economic Hubs and State Power

The paper seeks to analyze the rise of state power in the light of spatial economic shifts and examines the historical context of China＇s rise and challenges facing it. In world history, only countries that were spatial economic hubs have been able to enjoy prosperity over centuries. China is not yet such a country, despite its persistent efforts. Nor is China likely to become an economic hub in the foreseeable future. China is under mounting pressure from new economic demands posed by shifts in the geo-economic status of the U.S.. The fact that the global economy thrives along coastlines also causes problems for China, a country with a long coastline and a vast hinterland, creating rifts between northern and southern China, central and local governments, and different provinces. All these factors might well hinder China＇s development in the future.     

Evolution of the U.S. Strategy toward China and China’s Peaceful Development

China-U.S. relationship is the most important one between two big powers in the world today. It is both bilateral and global by nature. How to handle this relationship is closely linked with the fundamental interests of the U.S. and China, as well as peace and stability in the Asia Pacific region and even in the world. So, a profound examination of the nature of U.S. strategy toward China and its evolution over the years will help to fully understand the opportunities and challenges China will meet in the course of peaceful development.     

Analysis of ＂China-U.S. Strategic Competition＂ Theory

In his article entitled “Big Trouble Brewing in the Hood” published at online Sydney Morning Herald on August 3, 2010, Professor John Mearsheimer at the University of Chicago claimed that “the balance of power in Asia is expected to change significantly in the next few decades, as China increases its military capabilities”, and “China＇s rise is likely to spark an intense security competition with the U.S.”. He then made a provocative speech on “The Gathering Storm： China＇s Challenge to U.S. Power in Asia” at the Sydney University. When interviewing with an Australian news agency,     

The U.S. Decline Debate and Its Impact

The possibility that the U.S. is in decline has renewed concerns over the international strategic situation and the global order. The World Bank＇ s International Comparison Program （ICP） released data in April 2014 that suggested China＇ s economy could overtake that of the U.S. as soon as the end of this year （based on purchasing power parity or PPP which takes into account the relative costs of goods and services and inflation rates）. Their figures showed that the size of China＇ s economy was 87% of the U.S.＇ in 2011-that is 15% bigger than previously estimated. China＇ s economy is thought to have grown roughly 24% since 2011, while the U.S. economy is expected to have grown less than 8% .2 The possibility that the U.S. economy is in decline has worried both the public and scholars, and has sparked a new round of lively debate on the future of the international strategic situation.     

Why Is the Abe Government so Anxious to Improve Relations with China？-Why Is Shinzo Abe so Eager to Improve Relations with China？

Editor＇s Note： Sino-Japanese relations have been tense in recent years. In Jparticular, since Abe came to power, Japan has not only been ＂desperately struggling＂ with China on territorial and historical issues, but has also tried to set up an ＂encircling network＂ against China. Thus Sino-Japanese relations have emerged as the most risky bilateral relations in the Asia-Pacific region. As the two largest powers in East Asia, and the world＇s second and third largest economies, the continuing confrontation between China and Japan will have huge negative repercussions on regional and global peace. With the approaching of the APEC meeting, however, the Abe government has repeatedly expressed its hopes for diplomatic dialogue with China. The Abe government＇s shift in attitude towards China from ＂hard＂ to a new ＂moderate＂ position has attracted wide international attention. We cannot help but ask：