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91.
杨华洋 《贵州社会主义学院学报》2012,(1):38-40
"一国两制"是我党本着实事求是的基本路线,制定的实现祖国统一的基本方针,它具有四个基本内涵。"一国两制"成功解决了香港和澳门问题后,在解决台湾问题上,随着形势的变化而产生的五个方面的发展,这些发展体现了实事求是、与时俱进的马克思主义理论品质。 相似文献
92.
论未成年人轻罪犯罪记录封存制度——我国新《刑事诉讼法》第275条之理解与适用 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
未成年人轻罪犯罪记录封存制度的适用对象除被判处五年有期徒刑以下刑罚的未成年犯外,未成年人相对不起诉和附条件不起诉记录封存也应参照适用,而且,从长远来看,应适用于所有未成年人;在法律效力上应严格限定但书中"国家规定"的范围,并协调与其他相关法律的关系;适用主体除公安机关、检察院、法院和未成年犯管教所外,还包括知晓未成年人犯罪记录的有关机关、单位以及当事人、辩护人、诉讼代理人和其他知晓其犯罪记录的个人。为充分发挥该制度的重要价值,应当将其"升级"为未成年人犯罪记录消灭制度。 相似文献
93.
Old (Molotov) cocktails in new bottles? “Price-tag” and settler violence in Israel and the West Bank
In the early morning of July 31, 2015, masked attackers threw firebombs into two Palestinian homes in the West Bank village of Duma, south of Nablus, killing three Palestinian civilians. Contrary to claims by Israeli and Palestinian politicians, this attack was neither an isolated anomaly nor just another incident of settler violence. Instead, it was the latest attack in an important but largely unknown phenomenon called “price-tag,” in which a loosely connected group of young Israelis called “hilltop youth” burn Palestinian mosques and destroy property in hundreds of attacks accompanied by threatening graffiti that references Israeli settlers, outposts, and anti-Arab slogans. Using an original dataset of price-tag incidents and interviews with key actors, we demonstrate that the perpetrators, targets, and strategies of price-tag are different than previous patterns of settler violence. Whereas previous settlers saw the Israeli state as legitimate and largely decided to cooperate with it, the hilltop youth have decided to confront it by using price-tag attacks to deter settlement withdrawals and chain-gang the state into a conflict with the Palestinians. This analysis of the strategic logic of price-tag reveals its potential to shift the political landscape within and between Israelis and Palestinians. 相似文献
94.
Barry Pemberton 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2019,42(7):533-546
In 2017, significant media and political interest was sparked by the UK decision to leave Euratom, the European Atomic Energy Community. While such interest in nuclear matters has to be welcomed, the apparent lack of knowledge displayed in the regulatory governance of the UK nuclear industry is disquieting. This article therefore offers an overview of the publicly funded UK nuclear industry and its regulatory governance including its links with European and global nuclear agencies to inform the debate and to identify critical issues in need of resolution. 相似文献
95.
大战略是人类社会政治斗争的高级形式,无论在中国还是在西方,都可从历史深处发现某些大战略思想的源头。柏拉图是西方大战略思想史的一个重要起点,他不仅是历史上最伟大的哲学家、大战略家,也是当时地中海世界人文主义者集团的政治领袖。他用自己的知识论创立了人文主义大战略的纲要,并通过实践哲学加以检验,以证明其正确性和真理性。柏拉图最早揭示出人类的历史是理性发展的历史,理性是人和社会生存、进步乃至产生文化、文明和科学的源泉。但同时,人类的历史也是反理性的历史,理性与反理性的斗争是世界历史的主线。柏拉图所创建的“雅典学园”是青年政治领袖的培训基地,培养出了许多优秀的人文主义政治家。柏拉图去世后,马其顿国王亚历山大在“雅典学园”的指导下,按柏拉图“共和国”思想描绘的宏图远征波斯,写下了世界文明史上最光辉的一页。从战略学意义上说,柏拉图的大战略是对古代人文主义集团数百年的知识积累和结晶,是针对古代地中海世界统治集团的策略而制定的反制战略。亚历山大远征波斯,则是充分借助了统治集团的大战略而实施了人文主义大战略,从而取得了无与伦比的伟大成就。任何一项大战略,总会伴随着一项反制战略。在当今这个“大战略时代”,比以往任何时期都更需要深入研究、理解和认识大战略。 相似文献
96.
党员质量问题,是关乎党执政地位巩固和加强执政能力建设的重大问题,是党应对复杂局面和抵御各种风险能力的基础。在党的八大上,邓小平就党员质量问题从提高党员质量必要性、党员质量的标准、党员质量提高的办法等多方面进行了全面深入思考。《关于修改党的章程的报告》凝结了建国以来邓小平提高党员质量的主要思想。 相似文献
97.
Does town twinning foster citizens’ political support of the European Union? This study investigates the relation, which is maintained in politics and academics but still calls for empirical evidence. We distinguish between two levels of analysis, namely individual and context level, and differentiate in accordance with David Easton’s modes of political support specific from diffuse support. The corresponding hypotheses are tested with a unique dataset, which embraces survey findings of more than 12,000 respondents from 28 randomly selected municipalities in Germany. The main conclusions that emerge from the analysis are: First, town twinning does promote political support of the European Union on the individual level. Second, there are positive effects on specific and diffuse support. Thirdly, there is no relationship between local activity in twinning affairs and political support. 相似文献
98.
Sherry Pictou 《Third world quarterly》2018,39(7):1411-1420
AbstractThis reflective contribution discusses the intersection of Indigenous and Small Scale Fisheries’ (SSF) issues, and how the international SSF movement has a critical role in the broader struggle for the convergence of social justice regarding the environment, food and lifeways. I explore some of the political tensions around Indigenous and SSF struggles against global neoliberalisation of land and water resources, some of the successes and challenges of the international SSF movement, and future considerations for academic/activist ‘decolonising’ work. 相似文献
99.
Sunet Jordaan Ruth Stewart Yvonne Erasmus Louis Maluwa Janine Mitchell Laurenz Langer 《Development in Practice》2018,28(4):456-467
This article is based on the consensus that the availability and utilisation of research enhances policy discussions. The article reflects on the experiences within one approach: capacity building through mentoring. The UJ-BCURE programme aimed to increase the capacity of decision-makers to use evidence in decision-making via mentoring models. Mentoring is described as an interactive, facilitated process that promotes learning. The features of the models that have contributed to the programme’s success are orientation workshops with mentees combined with participatory, needs-led, and flexible approaches. UJ-BCURE experiences are relevant to the field of evidence-informed decision-making in an African government context. 相似文献
100.
Steven Lawrence Gordon 《Democratization》2018,25(2):351-368
As it is in many countries, racial rhetoric is a feature of South African national government elections. The use of such rhetoric provokes the question, how much is political party support in the country driven by interracial animosities? Using the nationally representative public opinion dataset, the South African Social Attitudes Survey, this article looks at party closeness to the African National Congress (ANC) amongst the black African population. The ANC is one of the oldest and most powerful political parties on the African continent and currently dominates South Africa’s parliamentary government. Constructing four indexes of racial attitudes and behaviours, the article investigates whether partisanship with the ruling party can be predicted by racial animosity. The period under investigation is 2010–2014. Bivariate and multivariate quantitative techniques are employed to test the relationship between ANC partisanship and racial animosity. The results of this investigation show that racial enmity in the country is troublingly widespread. Public opinion analysis, however, found no correlation between racial acrimony and ANC partisanship. Other factors are driving black African identification with the country’s ruling party. The implications of these results for the study for political party support in South Africa are discussed and future avenues of research presented. 相似文献