The North Korean abduction issue: emotions,securitisation and the reconstruction of Japanese identity from ‘aggressor’ to ‘victim’ and from ‘pacifist’ to ‘normal’

Abstract

After Kim Jong-il's confession in 2002 that North Korean agents had abducted thirteen Japanese citizens in the 1970s and 1980s, North Korea has become the most detested country in Japan, and the normalisation of bilateral relations has been put on the back burner. The abduction issue has taken precedence in Japan even over North Korea's development of nuclear weapons and long-range missiles. It has also grossly overshadowed the atrocities for which Imperial Japan was responsible in the 20th century. Why has there been such strong emphasis on an issue that could be disregarded as comparatively ‘less important’? This article understands the ascendency of the abduction issue as the epitome of an identity shift under way in Japan – from the identity of a curiously ‘peaceful’ and inherently ‘abnormal’ state, to that of a more ‘normal’ one. The differentiation of North Korea as ‘abnormal’ emphasises Japan's own (claim to) ‘normality’. Indeed, by incarnating the perils of Japan's own ‘pacifist’ ‘abnormality’, which has been so central to the collective sense of Japanese ‘Self’ in the post-war period, the abduction issue has become a very emotional argument for Japan's ‘normalisation’ in security and defence terms. The transformation from ‘abnormal’ to ‘normal’ is further enabled by Japan trading places with North Korea in the discourse, so that Japan is defined as ‘victim’ (rather than former aggressor) and North Korea as ‘aggressor’ (rather than former victim). What is at stake here is the question whether Japan is ‘normalising’ or ‘remilitarising’, and the role of the abduction issue discourse in enabling such foreign and security policy change.     

The European Union in Sudan: A Missed Opportunity?

Abstract

International organisations active in Africa are often criticised for their ineffectiveness. So too is the European Union (EU), which is also accused of failing to assume a more prominent conflict management role in war-torn countries. This article examines the EU’s capacity and readiness to take on such a role in one such country, the former Republic of Sudan, home to Africa’s longest-running civil wars and the first ‘genocide’ of the 21st century. It begins by outlining the EU’s record in Darfur and the North–South Peace Process. Drawing upon 25 interviews and Hill’s ‘capabilities–expectations model’, it then questions whether the EU’s ‘capabilities’ (resources, instruments, unity) were ‘fit for purpose’ in Sudan’s hostile target setting. It concludes by identifying settings that have been more propitious for a conflict-related management function and by suggesting that the EU should better manage expectations about future security roles.     

"Nukes for Sale Cheap?" Purchasing Peace with North Korea

What impact can economic incentives have on difficult international security problems, such as nuclear proliferation? This article first discusses theories of the effectiveness of incentives. It then examines the case of the 1994 Agreed Framework accord between the United States and North Korea. It argues that, despite cheating by Pyongyang, the American effort to use incentives in this case was on balance more successful than many now believe, especially in view of the bleak alternatives. If incentives can have an impact in such a "least likely" case, there is reason to believe they could be helpful in resolving other cases of proliferation.     

关于设立威海（韩国）自山经济区的可行性研究

回顾自由经济区，自由经济区历史发展的演进过程可以分为6代。中国自从改革开放以来也从沿海到内地，从南到北设立了众多的自由经济区。中韩两国政府现在都在积极推进与世界各国和地区的自由贸易谈判。在全球经济一体化的趋势下，设立威海（韩国）自由经济区具有“大环境”和“小环境”有利因素。并且有两个切实可行的方案供参考。该自由贸易区的设立会对扩大威海与韩国的经贸往来，拉动周边地区经济的发展起到重大作用。     

韩国政治转型与中产阶级的作用

在韩国政治转型过程中，中产阶级的政治文化实现了从臣民政治文化向臣民——参与者政治文化的转型。韩国中产阶级突出的特征是具有变革与保守的双重性，既是民主政治改革的推动者，也是权威政治的维护力量。在韩国由权威政治走向民主政治的过程中，中产阶级造就了公民社会与国家的分离互动发展，形成多元政治自主权对国家权利的分割与制衡。由此给我们的启示是，迅速成长的中产阶级在后发型国家实现民主法治过程中成为不可抗拒的历史洪流。     

朝鲜国外科技引进现状及其发展趋势

进入20世纪90年代末期,朝鲜对作为经济发展的助推器和起关键作用的科学技术政策的调整格外重视,先后出台了一系列促进科技发展的新政策,其中突出强调扩大同国外科技合作和引进先进技术对经济发展的重要性,使朝鲜在同国外科技合作方面发展较快。今后,朝鲜对外科技合作政策应是趋向较开放型的,重点是引进符合经济发展和利于提高整体科技水平的先进技术。     

优势资源开发与利用问题的探讨——辽东地区与朝鲜经济资源开发与利用的互补性分析

我国辽宁省东部地区与朝鲜民主主义人民共和国同处于东北亚区域的中心地带,双方在人力资源、物资资源、货币资源、管理资源、技术资源等主要经济资源方面存在着各自的比较优势,充分发挥双边资源开发与互补优势,加强双边经贸合作,实现双边经济资源合作利用的有效途径,必将推动东北亚区域内各国经济的和谐发展。     

韩国政府委员会的现状研究

20世纪90年代以来,为了适应政府治理模式的转变,韩国成立了隶属于各级政府的众多专业委员会。当前,委员会制度已成为韩国政府推进决策科学化和行政民主化的一项重要举措。     

中国在朝鲜半岛的地缘安全战略分析

朝鲜半岛地处东北亚核心地带,是我国重要的战略侧翼。作为与中国山水相连、唇齿相依的邻邦,朝鲜半岛在中国的地缘安全战略中一直具有极其重要的意义。冷战结束以来,朝鲜半岛的地缘政治环境发生了重大变化,原来由美苏主导的两极格局趋向多极化,在某种程度上形成了大国相互竞争的局面,处于较弱地位的朝韩两国也不由自主地被纳入了周边大国的战略轨道,半岛形势空前复杂化。而两次朝核危机的爆发更使朝鲜半岛局势的发展跌宕起伏,波折不断。面对错综复杂的半岛形势,中国从"维护朝鲜半岛的和平与稳定"这一战略目标出发,确立了以"对话和合作"为基本特征的安全战略,并积极推动朝核问题的和平解决,为缓和半岛紧张局势,维护东北亚地区和平与稳定发挥了不可替代的作用。     

创新农民组织新模式的有益尝试——桂北农民组织建设的实践与思考

通过一种有效形式把分散经营的农户在诸多产业链上与市场连接起来,创建"党群致富联合体",实现农民共同富裕,是桂北农民的新尝试.