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11.
Navin A. Bapat 《国际相互影响》2014,40(4):568-578
Following the 9/11 attacks, transnational terrorism is seen as a potential catalyst for interstate war. Yet, the willingness of states to fight in response to terrorist violence is puzzling, given that the damage created by terrorism is relatively marginal. This raises the question: if terrorists are so weak and create such little damage, and interstate conflicts are so costly, why are states willing to initiate seemingly ruinous wars to fight terrorist groups? This essay proposes an explanation to address this question using current theoretical and empirical research on terrorism and interstate violence. Recent work indicates that while terrorists appear weak compared to states, terrorists can wield significant coercive power in smaller geographic areas. I argue that if these areas are strategically crucial to the government, such as areas with oil wells or mineral deposits, terrorist activity may precipitously weaken states relative to their rivals. I therefore argue that even if groups are only capable of killing at low levels, terrorism may lead to macrolevel power shifts, which may contribute to interstate violence. 相似文献
12.
网络空间军事化是指各国将网络空间相关的资源及技术持续投入军事和安全领域以实现战略目标的过程。近年来,国际网络空间军事化的速度明显加快,各国先后通过一系列举措来完善网络安全战略规划,扩张网络军事组织体系,并在物理、应用和人文层面强化自身的进攻性网络行动能力。网络空间军事化对国际政治领域造成了较为明显的影响,网络空间威胁被"过度安全化","网络军备竞赛"提上日程,"网络恐怖主义"如影随形。为了应对这种复杂局面和态势,各国开始发展在网络空间的威慑能力,积极投入网络空间国际规则的制定,并致力于推动关键基础设施保护由传统国内治理模式转向有限度的国际合作。探讨网络空间军事化及其国际政治影响,分析各国以及国际社会的应对方式及其限度,对于深入理解当前网络空间国际治理的现状及其困境具有重要意义。 相似文献
13.
Judicial enforcement deputies: Causes and effects of Chinese judges enforcing environmental administrative decisions 下载免费PDF全文
Xuehua Zhang 《Regulation & Governance》2016,10(1):29-43
This paper explores how and why Chinese courts became involved in regulating pollution by aiding administrative agencies in executing sanction decisions and collecting pollution levies. It also studies the effects of their regulatory involvement, both in terms of deterrence inferred from available information, as well as the compliance behavior of regulated actors defined as payment of regulatory penalties. It finds that judicial involvement in regulatory enforcement proved to be short‐lived and depended on a particular context at a particular period of time when a regulatory need coincided with administrative and financial judicial needs and particular judges. The paper also finds that court involvement enhanced deterrence in terms of certainty of punishment and to some extent the severity of punishment; however that deterrent effect was undermined by the close relationship between the courts and the regulated entities as fines and levies were almost always negotiated. In effect, deterrence increased the number of compliers paying levies without increasing the depth of compliance in terms of their full payment. 相似文献
14.
鲍刚 《山西青年管理干部学院学报》2008,21(3):62-65
计算机和计算机网络正在人们的工作、学习、生活中扮演着越来越重要的角色。但是,它们在带给人们便利的同时,也产生了新的犯罪类型及其概念——“计算机犯罪”和“网络犯罪”。对于什么是计算机犯罪和网络犯罪,两者的关系如何,我国学界一直争议较大。从刑法学和犯罪学论域来看,“计算机犯罪”和“网络犯罪”的概念既紧密联系,又有明显的区别。 相似文献
15.
拒止性威慑的思想源远流长,作为一种军事战略的拒止性威慑具有广泛性、实时性和受挑战性三个主要特点。拒止性威慑的思路相比惩罚性威慑更具操作性,在信息化战争时代也更具优势。美国战略学界认为,在西太平洋地区中美实力日渐接近的情况下,对华拒止性威慑战略是较优选项。美国对华拒止性威慑战略兴于特朗普政府时期,其主要特点是加强军事系统弹性能力建设与发展新战区导弹防御体系。拜登政府则在“一体化威慑”框架下应用对华拒止性威慑,发展深度防御能力。美国对拒止性威慑战略的理解与应用已经突破了传统意义上偏重防御的拒止性威慑模式。该战略的目标是联合盟友阻止中国在西太平洋地区的快速军事行动,维持和巩固在该地区的军事主导权。虽然美国对华拒止性威慑战略的实践受到了诸多内外因素制约,但其给中美带来的负面影响仍在不断加深,并对地区安全构成巨大挑战。中国需要主动培塑有利于军力发展的良好环境,发展新技术装备,应对美国对华拒止性威慑战略实践造成的军事胁迫,降低各类战略风险。 相似文献
16.
2021年9月15日,美国、英国和澳大利亚建立三边安全伙伴关系(AUKUS)。美英澳三国基于追求权力最大化、改变既有国际秩序的扩张性动机,构建进攻性联盟。美国企图巩固印太地区霸权;英国试图提升印太地区影响力,推动“全球英国”构想;澳大利亚希图扩张在印太地区的威慑力,强化南太平洋区域强国地位。AUKUS的威慑功能具有模糊性,主要体现在威慑对象及触发条件的模糊性。其模糊性威慑主要包括模糊性威慑的信号功能、震慑功能、作战功能、信息和情报共享功能、军工合作功能。AUKUS通过模糊性威慑功能实现美国在印太地区的战略性扩张;威胁中国国家安全和阻挠中国统一进程;诱使印度深化与三国战略合作;引发东盟国家意见分歧;加速欧盟防务自主进程;削弱国际核不扩散机制,恶化地区安全形势,对全球及地区安全局势产生消极影响。 相似文献
17.
张若枫 《湖北警官学院学报》2010,(1):80-82
近年来,计算机网络的普及带来了犯罪形态的变化,很多传统型犯罪纷纷借助网络这一新的平台实施新型犯罪,"裸聊"犯罪就是其中之一。在短短几年内,"裸聊"扩散范围之广、危害之大已经引起了整个社会的关注。为此,公安机关只有创新侦查手段,才能有力打击此类行为,净化网络环境和社会道德风尚。 相似文献
18.
This article argues that Israel experiences a unique perception of the perils of anarchy that drives it to a strategic preference for disproportionately offensive action against rivals and enemies. Actions taken pursuant to that doctrine have caused serious inconvenience to U.S. foreign policy in the Mideast for over four decades. This article argues that by reassuring Israel, both diplomatically and with arms sales, that the United States is committed to its survival, the United States has obtained significant measures of strategic restraint on Israel's part. That restraint has brought significant benefit to the United States as it seeks to guarantee regular access to the vital resources of the Middle East. This article provides examples of both successful reassurance and reassurance denied to illustrate the argument that U.S. support produces tangible strategic benefits for the United States. 相似文献
19.
As of this writing, South Korea (officially, the Republic of Korea) is an abolitionist-in-practice nation; capital punishment is legal, but no death sentences have been carried out since a moratorium was enacted in 1997. Public support for the death penalty has decreased over time; however, the factors that determine support for or opposition to the death penalty of the South Korean general public are largely unknown. Using survey data from a nationwide sample of 416 respondents, this study examined the potential predictors for public attitudes towards capital punishment support. A majority of survey respondents (83%) supported the death penalty, a higher percentage than recent surveys of the South Korean general public. The deterrence and retribution perspectives were positively related to death penalty support, while crime severity, neighbourhood safety, the brutalisation effect, and innocence were negatively related. This study provides the first multivariate analysis of factors associated with South Korean attitudes towards the death penalty. 相似文献
20.
Ojmarrh Mitchell Joshua C. Cochran Daniel P. Mears William D. Bales 《Justice Quarterly》2017,34(4):571-596
The “get-tough” era of punishment led to exponential growth in the rate of incarceration in the United States. Recent reviews of the literature indicate, however, that limited rigorous research exists examining the effect of imprisonment on the likelihood of future offending. As a result, scholars have called for assessment of this relationship, while using methodologies that can better account for selection effects. This study addresses these calls directly by applying regression discontinuity, a methodology well suited to account for selection bias, on a cohort of felony offenders in Florida. Results suggest that prison, as compared to non-incarcerative sanctions, has no appreciable impact on recidivism. Although no differential effects surfaced across race/ethnicity, the analyses indicated that imprisonment exerts a differential effect by gender with the effect being more criminogenic among males than females. 相似文献