Diffusion of labor agreements: evidence from the UK oil industry

There has to date been no in-depth analysis of the way in which industrial relations practices – in particular labor agreements – diffuse vertically through an organization and horizontally through an economy. This is despite the titles of empirical research in this area. This process of diffusion however, is both an important and yet neglected area of theory. The theory of the diffusion of innovations can be applied to the empirical findings here and encompasses several previous studies: it thus enables a more thorough investigation of the way in which changes in industrial relations are promulgated both within and between organizations. This paper presents evidence of such a diffusion of innovation effect in the oil sector of the UK economy.     

Child soldiers as peace-builders in Colombian peace talks between the government and the FARC–EP

Children, especially girls, are considered victims in armed conflicts. Children who participate in conflicts, as combatants, sexual servants, spies, informants and messengers, may be considered perpetrators of atrocities. These two classifications of children in armed conflicts do not consider their roles as agents who may also participate in peace-building efforts. This paper analyses how children involved in armed conflicts are classified and represented in the current peace agreement between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – People’s Army (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia – Ejército del Pueblo). We aim to understand if children are recognised in this peace process as participants and, in some capacity, as peace-builders. Dialoguing with the literature on critical security studies and childhood studies, we conduct a critical discourse analysis of the peace agreement documents. The study of the Colombian case enables an empirical analysis in which child soldiers are categorised as victims with the possibility of participating in peace-building and, at the same time, as potential challengers to the peace process.     

Terrorists going transnational: rethinking the role of states in the case of AQIM and Boko Haram

This study moves beyond theories emphasising “state failure” as the cause for terrorist “spill-over”. The aim is to offer new theoretical and empirical considerations concerning the determinants of terrorist groups’ geographical strategies. The main argument this article presents is that transnationality for nationalistic terrorist organisations can be costly. This is the case due to the mobility, social and strategic costs of operating beyond controlled territories. Hence, the article proposes an interpretation of these decisions as being mainly generated by states’ counterterrorism strategies. Using data gathered from the GTD Dataset and secondary sources such as specialised reports and strategic documents, the article explores the argument by presenting observations and empirical findings on two groups, AQIM and Boko Haram.     

格式条款标准化的垄断协议认定

传统的逆向选择模型将低质量格式条款的生成归因于需求端的认知缺陷;共谋模型将低质量维持原因解释为供给端的共谋,为反垄断法介入提供依据。格式条款标准化的横向垄断协议认定应满足《反垄断法》第13条规定的形式要件与效果要件,采用一般举证规则作为分析模式,由原告证明其"协议、决定或协同行为"形式及反竞争效果。形式要件以"形式与反竞争效果的尽可能耦合"为逻辑起点,应基于市场力的持久性与显著性标准加以重构。反竞争效果要件以对竞争的实质限制为标准,参照美国法实践,可通过质量或交易自由限制路径证成。     

WTO争端解决中“规则冲突”的概念界定

无论是在国际公法中,还是在WTO争端解决中,如何界定"规则冲突"的概念,都是一个悬而未决、难以确定的问题。在国际公法和WTO争端解决中,关于规则冲突的概念,都存在定义的广义与狭义之争。在国际公法中,比较流行的是狭义的冲突定义,不承认权利可能与义务或禁止相冲突;在WTO争端解决实践中,究竟是应该采用狭义的还是广义的规则冲突的定义,目前尚未有定论。然而,狭义的冲突定义在法律上是不恰当的,并且导致自相矛盾,因此,在WTO争端解决中,关于规则冲突的狭义定义是不可取的,必须首选一个广泛的定义,把允许与义务或禁止之间冲突的情况,即矛盾的冲突,也视为构成规则冲突。     

论行政主体的约定义务

行政主体约定义务是契约理念引入行政法的产物,并非法定义务的契约化,与行政契约义务并非等同。行政主体约定义务是行政法上的意定义务,其设定应遵守合理的限度,不得借此"扩大法定活动空间",或规避法定义务,或"出卖公权"等。作为行政主体义务体系的重要组成部分,具有弥补法定义务之不足,深化行政主体职责等重要的功能价值。     

把法官当“人”看——兼论程序失灵现象及其补救

中国司法审判中程序失灵现象泛滥的根本原因之一,即在于部分诉讼立法和管理规则与法官作为人的本性相冲突,要么没有合理关照法官的正当利益诉求,要么对法官滥用权力的冲动防范不足。一个必要的改进方向,就是正视法官作为社会人和经济人的本质,通过合理的制度设计引导法官将自利行为与司法公正融为一体,将制度规范内化为法官的自主行为,从而最终实现制度与行动者的协调统一。     

Standing Surety in Europe: Common Core or Tower of Babel?

This article analyses the treatment of non-professional suretyship agreements across the EU in the context provided by Commission initiatives aimed firstly at creating a single market in financial services and secondly at improving the coherence of European private law. Predictably, given their polycontextual function, we are confronted with starkly divergent national approaches towards such agreements: a 'Tower of Babel' rather than a 'common core'. The article proceeds to consider how we may see elements of commonality arising through the tension between the differing national approaches – seen in terms of a Unitary Network. In the course of this analysis the treble paradox of surety protection is described. The article finishes with a prediction of the relevance of a dual-track strategy in this field: involving measures of sector-specific, vertical harmonisation, and a programme of common-law style, non-legislative harmonisation through judicial convergence.     

从条约法的角度谈WTO法

WTO的法律制度是现代国际法的重要组成部分,是国际法中发展最快、最新、最具活力的法律门类。WTO法从实体法到程序法都具有自己的特色。英文缩写的WTO具有三位一体的功能:一是指国际组织———世界贸易组织(WorldTradeOrganization);二是指多边贸易谈判的场所(Negotiationforum),WTO的前身GATT(关贸总协定)在其近半个世纪的运转中,几乎全都是靠各贸易国谈判磋商来达成共识的。GATT所主持的八个回合的贸易谈判,成果丰硕,为WTO规则体系的形成奠定了基础。三是指WTO规则体系,即以《建立世界贸易组织的协定》为正文,其余协议、谅解等作为附件而合成的一个原文(英文本)长达634页的、宏大的条约群体。由此观之,WTO蕴意深厚,非本文可涵盖,所以本文将仅在规则体系或条约群体的层面上试以论述。     

The Western Australian Regional Forest Agreement: Economic Rationalism and the Normalisation of Political Closure

This article explores the constraints imposed by economic rationalism on environmental policy‐making in light of Western Australia's (WA) Regional Forest Agreement (RFA) experience. Data derived from interviews with WA RFA stakeholders shed light on their perceptions of the RFA process and its outcomes. The extent to which involvement of science and the public RFA management enabled is analysed. The findings point to a pervasive constrainedness of WA's RFA owing to a closing of the process by the administrative decision‐making structures. A dominant economic rationality is seen to have normalised and legitimised political closure, effectively excluding rationalities dissenting from an implicit economic orthodoxy. This article argues for the explication of invisible, economic constraints affecting environmental policy and for the public‐cum‐political negotiation of the points of closure within political processes.