地区安全治理的未来:走向亚洲协调

作者首次提出了"亚洲协调"的概念,讨论了亚洲协调对未来亚洲及太平洋地区安全治理的必要性和长远性。尽管最早的主要国家之间协调(concert of powers)的理论与实践是19世纪的、欧洲的,但是,关于主要国家之间协调(不仅是大国协调)的一般理论却同样可以运用在解决21世纪的亚洲(以及太平洋)的严峻安全挑战和困境上。这些挑战和困境在未来可能会进一步演化为严重的大国之间的对抗甚至冲突。更重要的是,亚洲协调将注定会阻止战争、实现长期和平及维持本地区的经济活力。也就是说,如果亚洲协调明智地和有效地建立并运作起来,到2079年,亚洲以及太平洋将拥有一百年的和平,如同欧洲在1815-1914年拥有的百年和平。从1979年到现在,亚洲地区已经享受了接近四十年的和平。在过去二十多年建立起来的地区或者跨地区的论坛、会议、组织和制度等,反映了治理亚洲地区的权力转移的企图和努力;尽管这些安排相互重叠、尚未彼此兼容,甚至相互竞争,但我们完全可以把它们当做未来亚洲协调的基础。虽然目前的地区安全治理仍然由美国及其同盟体系占据主导地位,但美国也不得不重视复杂的安全地区主义。有不少人建议美国应该以亚洲协调作为未来解决与中国关系的方案。中国已经为建立在经济发展基础上的亚洲和平做出重大贡献。中国已与美国建立"新型大国关系"回应美国的"转向亚洲"。中国在亚洲协调中的地位是中心的和关键的。     

满铁在中国东北设立的科研机构

日俄战后,南满洲铁道株式会社(简称"满铁")成为日本"经营满洲"的先锋和主体。满铁作为日本在东北建立的殖民侵略机构,下设具有文化侵略性质和殖民主义性质的研究机构,在武装侵略中国东北及殖民统治过程中,客观上起到了日本军国主义邪恶帮凶的作用。     

中国城市化进程中社区发展的思考

中国近三十年来的快速城市化进程带来了许多前所未有的社会问题,给城市的管理和发展提出了新的挑战。其中值得重点关注的一个挑战就是如何改造、更新和发展城市社区。结合中国现阶段的发展现实,将社区按各自的特点进行分类,分析了它们的成因、功能和存在的问题,提出要重新认识这些社区的价值,结合新的社区发展理念,有针对性地制订不同的发展战略,实现社区发展的目标,保障城市化过程的健康稳定与和谐。     

近十年中国—东盟经济关系新格局

2013年是中国与东盟建立战略伙伴关系10周年。10年来,随着中国与东盟战略伙伴关系的确立和中国—东盟自由贸易区如期建成,中国与东盟经济关系呈现出一系列新的格局变化。展望未来,中国与东盟经济关系发展将面临新的机遇和挑战。     

Grounds for self-government? Changes in land ownership and democratic participation in Chinese communities

Do variations in land ownership affect people’s democratic participation? Quantitative, cross-country research on this topic suffers from the non-comparability of regulatory systems and cultures, and the use of crude indicators to identify participation. This study attempts to overcome these methodological problems, by employing indicators of procedural and substantive participation in a structured, diachronic comparison of qualitative data from five sites in China – an authoritarian state, which, however, requires residents of urban communities and villages to participate in ‘self-government’. It examines whether and why changing land from collective ownership to state ownership, and residents’ compensated acquisition of cash and secure, fungible assets, strengthens or weakens participation in self-government. In the research sites, collective land ownership is found to stimulate participation in self-government. Transformation of the land to state ownership and people’s acquisition of private property weakens participation. The robust results of the study support the direction of a causal argument that collective land ownership is conducive to democratic participation. These findings imply that scholars and policymakers should consider the potentially adverse political consequences of changing land ownership. A further implication is that, absent substantial political reform, an urbanized China might be less rather than more democratic at the community level.     

CCP ELITE PERCEPTION OF THE US SINCE THE EARLY 1990S: WANG HUNING AND ZHENG BIJIAN AS TEST CASES

This article juxtaposes two of the most influential yet under-studied America watchers within the top echelon of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Wang Huning and Zheng Bijian. To be sure, the two have indelibly shaped CCP attitudes, yet surprisingly enough, although Zheng has been written about extensively in the English language, Wang has hitherto largely remained outside academics’ purview. This article also aims, in passing, to explore linkages between Wang and Zheng ideas and those of other well- known America watchers like Liu Mingfu and Yan Xuetong. The comparison offers clues as to the extent to which the current advisory shaping CCP thinking on the US differs from the previous generation, and as to whether CCP thinking is un-American or anti-American in essence. The conclusions ties the study together by arguing, based on Wang and Zheng's views, that New Confucianism may shape Chinese society in the future     

Managing Social Risk in China Local Administration: An Examination of SSRA Initiative

Social Stability Risk Assessment (SSRA) sponsored by the local administration is perceived as a socially defined risk-coping initiative since it became mandatory in China. This article observes and unravels SSRA practices by selecting Xuzhou municipality as a sample case. Findings show that local SSRA is operated by the tridimensional mechanism and antecedents of its effectiveness in enforcement are linked with multiple elements of administrative supports. The findings contribute to a full understanding of SSRA in mainland China where there is no electoral democratic regime, and provide implications for developing countries alike. Some recommendations are proposed as a potential driver of these results.     

MAINTAINING A UNITARY STATE: COUNTER-TERRORISM,SEPARATISM, AND EXTREMISM IN XINJIANG AND CHINA

This essay reviews the history of Uighur related terrorism in Xinjiang as well as elsewhere in China and discusses the political motivations and effectiveness of the Chinese government in suppressing terrorism. The essay assesses both the motivations of the Uighurs engaged in terrorism, as well as the motivations for counter terrorist by the Chinese authorities. A key objective of the essay is to determine what are the political and other reasons that drive the Chinese government’s counter terrorism strategy and tactics and whether these have been effective or counter-productive. The essay assesses the counter terrorism strategy of the Chinese government in Xinjiang Province and across China, the political motivations for the strategy, the impact and success or otherwise. The essay discusses if the government is combatting terrorism, or separatism, or extremism, the confusion of these terms, and whether this has had any impact on the effectiveness of counter terrorism.     

民国刑事诉讼法上的微罪不起诉制度

20世纪20年代，起诉便宜主义逐渐在大陆法系国家法律中得到确认，也很快被民国立法者所接受。在民国刑事诉讼法上，微罪不起诉制度是起诉便宜主义的集中体现，这项制度于1928年《刑事诉讼法》中首次得到确立，此后历经多次修改，在检察官作出微罪不起诉处分的考量因素和具体程序等方面得到了完善，但其适用范围则一直比较有限。在实践层面，微罪不起诉在民国时期的适用率始终偏低，因此很难充分实现其应有的价值。     

论涉台投资法律保护的现状、问题及其相关思考

自1988年以来,祖国大陆先后颁布了一系列涉台投资法律和法规,尤其是1994年全国人大常委会制定的《台胞投资保护法》和1999年国务院颁布的《台胞投资保护法实施细则》,在促进台胞直接投资、确保台商合法权益以及推动两岸经贸交流方面取得了积极而富有成效的成果。但随着时间的推移和现实情况的发展变化,这些法律和法规在实施过程中也暴露出一些亟待解决的问题,需要我们面对和审视,并提出健全和完善的合理化建议。