全文获取类型
收费全文 | 536篇 |
免费 | 31篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 9篇 |
工人农民 | 6篇 |
世界政治 | 5篇 |
外交国际关系 | 28篇 |
法律 | 192篇 |
中国共产党 | 6篇 |
中国政治 | 108篇 |
政治理论 | 61篇 |
综合类 | 152篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 3篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 6篇 |
2020年 | 14篇 |
2019年 | 2篇 |
2018年 | 8篇 |
2017年 | 7篇 |
2016年 | 11篇 |
2015年 | 16篇 |
2014年 | 39篇 |
2013年 | 58篇 |
2012年 | 37篇 |
2011年 | 39篇 |
2010年 | 42篇 |
2009年 | 45篇 |
2008年 | 36篇 |
2007年 | 47篇 |
2006年 | 26篇 |
2005年 | 26篇 |
2004年 | 20篇 |
2003年 | 17篇 |
2002年 | 22篇 |
2001年 | 23篇 |
2000年 | 6篇 |
1999年 | 3篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 3篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有567条查询结果,搜索用时 281 毫秒
71.
AbstractThe analysis of issue politics has long suffered from a fragmentation between valence and positional conceptualisations, preventing the effective development of a general model of issue-based party competition. Building on an overview of the evolution of party competition in the Western world in recent decades, this article offers a theoretical development that builds on ‘issue yield’ theory to provide a conceptualisation of political goals that generalises across positional and valence issues. This in turn allows a common measurement strategy, offering the possibility to comparatively assess various characteristics (including the electoral potential) of both positional and valence issues. Finally, it describes the specific research design derived from this framework and its implementation in comparative perspective in six West European countries during 2017–2018. 相似文献
72.
传统研究重视“法的供给”视角,致力于创设“良法良制”。通过转向“对法的需求”视角,本研究基于支持理论和法律意识理论,访谈了142名四类常见民事诉讼案件的当事人。本研究发现,当事人对司法的信赖分为“特定支持”和“普遍支持”两个维度。负面的诉讼经历仅会降低当事人对主审法官(法院)的评价(特定支持),尚未削弱他们对法院系统及司法制度的评价(普遍支持)。此外,当事人可以被进一步分为“门外汉”和“入门者”。前者不信赖法院的根本原因在于其法律意识与司法制度间存在巨大的冲突和矛盾;“入门者”的意识则限定于法律体系内,只在意法官的审判质量。随着司法系统的日渐完善,“入门者”对司法的信赖有望逐步提升。但“门外汉”则需要通过“知情(法)受益”这一过程先转化为“入门者”。 相似文献
73.
Luigi Curini 《West European politics》2020,43(7):1415-1435
AbstractThe article investigates whether there are specific spatial conditions that make a party more likely to pay closer attention to anti-elite rhetoric than to alternative issues in its political confrontation with other parties. The article first treats anti-elitism as a non-policy vote-winning strategy that could be valued positively by a broad class of voters across ideological lines (its ‘quasi-valence’ attribute). It is then shown that the incentive of a party to embrace such a strategy grows as the ideological space separating that party from the other(s) shrinks. This hypothesis receives empirical support from the 2014 Chapel Hill Expert Survey Data. 相似文献
74.
目的 观察开四关法治疗老年功能性便秘的临床疗效。方法 将70 例老年功能性便秘患者按随机数字表法分为治疗组和对照组,各35例。治疗组采用开四关法,对照组予常规针刺法。分别于治疗前后观察两组患者每周自主排便(spontaneous bowel movements,SBM)次数、便秘患者生活质量评价量表(patient assessment of constipation quality of life questionnaire,PAC-QOL)评分及简明生活质量量表(36-item short-form health survey,SF-36)评分,并检测一氧化氮(nitric oxide,NO)、一氧化氮合酶(nitric oxide synthase,NOS)、血管活性肠肽(vasoactive intestinal peptide,VIP)水平。结果 治疗组临床疗效优于对照组(P<0.05);在治疗2周、4周后,治疗组SBM次数均显著大于对照组(P<0.05)。两组患者治疗后PAC-QOL和SF-36总评分均有显著变化(P<0.05),且治疗组较对照组改善明显(P<0.05)。治疗组治疗后NO、NOS、VIP降低程度显著大于对照组(P<0.05)。结论 开四关法治疗老年功能性便秘疗效确切,其部分机制可能与降低血清NO有关。 相似文献
75.
Lyn R. Greenberg Kathleen McNamara Betsy E. Weisz Justice Thomas Altobelli Frank Davis 《Family Court Review》2023,61(3):522-537
Children and adolescents who are having difficulty coping with stress often present with complaints of physical discomfort. Effective treatment approaches exist for many of these issues. Among high-conflict parents, however, children's medical issues can become another canvas for conflict, with parents focused more on blaming one another for the child's distress than on options for assisting the child. Professionals can be drawn into the conflict to such a degree that they overlook essential steps for addressing and managing these issues. The authors present a research-informed model for managing medical and psychophysiological issues amid parental conflict. 相似文献
76.
Party debate over Europe in national election campaigns: Electoral disunity and party cohesion 下载免费PDF全文
Few political parties are willing to lead the public debate on how the European Union should develop and parties rarely publicly discuss issues on the EU agenda. This is probably one of the most important democratic problems in the contemporary EU. When and why parties are willing (or not willing) to discuss European cooperation is therefore an essential issue in which political science should engage. Previous research has shown that parties that are internally divided on EU issues downplay these issues in order to avoid internal disputes. At the same time, parties that have severe intraparty conflicts over the issue are unable to contain the debate. Thus, parties that are unified in their position on EU issues and parties that are heavily split speak about the EU, but others do not. Also, earlier research has shown that political parties downplay issues in response to internal divisions among their supporters. It is argued in this article that the focus should not be solely on intraparty conflict or whether or not a party's voters are hesitant or disunited, but rather on how these factors interact in order to better understand how parties act strategically regarding EU issues. Using a new dataset that relies on quantitative content analysis of quality newspapers during the national election campaigns in the period 1983–2010 in France, Germany, the United Kingdom and Sweden, it is found that parties that have a high degree of internal dissent on European issues, while at the same time having an equally divided electorate, are the parties that are most present in the public debate. Hence, it is the interaction between these two important factors that explains much of the variation in the amount of attention paid to European issues in national election campaigns. 相似文献
77.
Sam R. Bell 《国际相互影响》2016,42(5):750-773
In this project, we investigate the relationship between the use of military force and trade interdependence, suggesting that the influence of trade on militarized conflict varies based on the issue under dispute. For some issues, trade is likely to attenuate the chances that states escalate a dispute to the use of military force, while for others trade can intensify disputes so that military conflict is more likely. Specifically, we hypothesize that greater trade interdependence decreases the probability of military conflict over realpolitik issues like territory. On the other hand, greater trade interdependence increases the probability that states use military force when the issue under dispute concerns the regime, policies, and conditions in the target. To test our hypotheses, we employ new data on dyadic uses of force from the International Military Intervention data set that records the initiator’s reason(s) for using force against the target. The statistical tests support our hypotheses; trade decreases the use of force against a target for territorial and military/diplomatic reasons, which is consistent with arguments from the liberal paradigm. However, trade interdependence increases the use of force for humanitarian and economic reasons as well as to affect the regime or policy of the target. Thus, our study improves upon current research about the relationship between economic interdependence and foreign policy by specifying a conditional relationship based on the issues under contention. 相似文献
78.
Child welfare is provided within an organizational context that both supports and thwarts the efforts of workers and administrators to meet the myriad of goals established by federal, state, and local regulation and professional bodies. As the field moves toward trauma-informed services for children and families (Ko et al., 2008), the effect of trauma on workers has received less agency attention (Middleton &; Potter, 2015). This exploratory, qualitative study examines the level of knowledge administrators have regarding vicarious trauma and probes the organizational responses of public child welfare agencies to the vicarious trauma experienced by workers. 相似文献
79.
张广智 《中国井冈山干部学院学报》2008,1(5):19-24
一个国家选择什么样的发展道路,关系着经济社会的发展、政权的稳固、国家的前途命运。改革开放以来我们取得的一切成绩和进步的根本原因,归结起来就是:开辟了中国特色社会主义道路,形成了中国特色社会主义理论体系。中国特色社会主义道路是一条总体道路,它由四条具体道路汇合而成,即中国特色社会主义经济发展道路、中国特色社会主义政治发展道路、中国特色社会主义文化建设道路和中国特色社会主义社会建设道路。 相似文献
80.
Duane Windsor 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2001,1(4):382-415
This paper evaluates research in corporate public affairs, social issues management and political strategy, and theoretical integration of the three areas and also cross‐disciplinary and cross‐institutional collaboration, especially with business or government officials. Copyright © 2001 Henry Stewart Publications 相似文献