印俄战略伙伴关系的新发展

印俄战略伙伴关系是冷战时期印苏特殊关系的继承和演进。进入21世纪以后,随着俄罗斯的复兴和印度的崛起,双方重新审视对方在各自战略棋盘上的分量,决定建立"战略伙伴关系",加强在政治、经济、军事、科技、能源等领域的合作。由于俄罗斯与中国的"战略协作伙伴关系"不断深化,印度与中国"面向和平与繁荣的战略伙伴关系"正在推进,印俄战略伙伴关系对于中国具有某种积极意义。尽管印俄对中国的态度有一定区别,但是印俄战略伙伴关系对中国的良性作用值得肯定。     

90年代印度实行经济外交的原因及主要措施

进入2 0世纪90年代,国际局势发生了巨大变化,而经济全球化的迅速发展使得经济实力在一国对外政策中的地位突显,因此,印度一直奉行的尼赫鲁外交思想已不适用,自1991年拉奥上台以后,印度对其外交政策进行了调整,推行经济外交,突出外交为经济发展服务,并通过经济手段发展与世界各国的关系,取得了显著效果。本文就印度实行经济外交的原因、主要措施与实践效果作一个简要分析。     

印度对欧经贸关系浅析

印度独立后十分重视发展与欧洲国家的关系。上世纪90年代后,双方的关系得到了极大的提升,建立了一系列的合作机制,如印欧首脑会议和印欧工商高峰会议等,在第五届印欧首脑会议上,双方还确立了建立战略性伙伴关系的目标。目前,欧盟是印度最大的贸易伙伴,2004年,印度和欧盟双边贸易额达到了历史性的332亿欧元。虽然双方的合作仍有不少的制约因素,但双方的合作前景相当广阔。     

试析2l世纪初印度的东南亚战略

从上个世纪90年代初开始,实行大国战略的印度就制定了初步的东南亚战略,进入21世纪以来,印度加大了推行东南亚战略的力度,在政治、经济、军事和安全等方面加强与东南亚国家的联系、交往与合作,为印度在亚太地区寻求更广阔的战略空间奠定了坚实的基础。     

Parallel Systems and Human Resource Management in India's Public Health Services: A View from the Front Lines

There is building evidence in India that the delivery of health services suffers both from an actual shortfall in trained health professionals and from unsatisfactory results of existing service providers working in the public and private sectors. This study focuses on the public sector and examines de facto institutional and governance arrangements that may give rise to well‐documented provider behaviors such as absenteeism that can adversely affect service delivery processes and outcomes. We analyze four human resource management (HRM) subsystems: postings, transfers, promotions and disciplinary practices from the perspective of front‐line workers—physicians working in rural healthcare facilities operated by two state governments. We sampled physicians in one “post‐reform” state that has instituted HRM reforms and one “pre‐reform” state that has not. The findings are based on both quantitative and qualitative measurements. The results show that formal rules are undermined by a parallel modus operandi in which desirable posts are often determined by political connections and side payments. The evidence suggests an institutional environment in which formal rules of accountability are trumped by a parallel set of accountabilities. These systems appear so entrenched that reforms have borne no significant effect. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

核学习与印巴核威慑的稳定性分析

在西方国际政治学界 ,自 2 0世纪 70年代后期以来 ,有关学习理论及其在外交上的应用 ,一直是热门话题之一。约瑟夫·奈提出的核学习概念即是学习理论的重要成果之一。本文借助他对核学习的论述 ,来考察印巴之间的核学习及其对印巴核威慑稳定性的作用。文章认为 ,印巴之间所经历的六年多时间的核学习 ,在一定程度上促进了印巴之间核威慑的稳定性。但是 ,印巴核学习还有很长的路要走 ,而随着核学习进程的不断深入 ,印巴之间的核威慑关系将会更加稳定。     

United in Diversity? Asymmetry in Indian Federalism

Many studies highlight constitutional asymmetry as a desirablefeature of federal systems in multinational countries. Thisarticle looks at India which, mainly because of the specialprovisions for Kashmir in the 1950 constitution and the statusof newer small states in the north-east, is generally describedas asymmetrically federal. I show that, while India exhibitsconsiderable de facto asymmetry, asymmetry in the constitutionalpowers granted to individual states has (i) not been importantfor India's ability to ‘hold together’ as oftenassumed and (ii) not entailed special protection of culturalor national minorities. I thus cast doubt on the normative politicalphilosophy, particularly informed by Canadian and Spanish debates,that advances the idea of asymmetrical federalism as a modelof governance in potentially divided societies.     

东向政策与大国平衡:印度东盟认知的改变

印度东盟关系的发展得益于印度的东向政策和东盟的大国平衡战略,而双方认知的改变是其根源。     

Judiciaries as crucial actors in Southern regulatory systems: A case study of Indian telecom regulation

This article addresses regulatory reforms in the Indian telecommunications sector and emphasizes the role of the Indian judiciary. Our claim is that when confronted with a series of disputes relating to the nascent telecom regulatory landscape, the Supreme Court of India sought to make a constructive contribution to both the actual disputes as well as the overall regulatory framework. Our reading of these cases suggests that in the sphere of telecom, the Supreme Court has been less interested in stamping its own authority on issues, and has instead sought to bolster the authority and legitimacy of the recently constituted telecom regulatory institutions. We seek to draw attention to the role of the Indian judiciary as marking an exceptional feature of evolving regulatory systems in the Global South. Conventional wisdom in the regulatory jurisprudence that has evolved in the Global North suggests that judiciaries should have little or no role to play in regulatory systems. We suggest that to overcome the special challenges that regulatory systems in the Global South confront, more established institutions and actors might have to lend credibility and legitimacy to enable nascent regulatory actors to develop over time. At least in the Indian case, this is one way to understand the Indian judiciary's interventionist actions in the sphere of telecom regulation.     

BUDDING INDO-MYANMAR RELATIONS: RISING BUT LIMITED CHALLENGES FOR CHINA

There is a big gap on the study of Indo-Myanmar relations between India and China, in which the Indian experts are mainly concerned about the serious consequences of the China factor, while few Chinese scholars focus on Indo-Myanmar relations. This article, therefore, looks into the post-Cold War Indo-Myanmar relations from a Chinese perspective, so as to fill the research gap. It argues that India's influence upon Sino-Myanmar relations is actually marginal, though it has established a budding relationship with Myanmar through deepening political engagement, naval cooperation and physical connectivity with the country. The main reason is that India lacks full capability to develop the bilateral relations with Myanmar and thus compete fully with China. Additionally, the suspicion and resistance from the Burmese elite and local communities constitutes another major obstacle to the further engagement between India and Myanmar. Naypyidaw, notwithstanding its efforts to advance Indo-Myanmar relations, would prefer to gain benefits from both China and India.