《虚假的事实》:印度民族自我的“寓言”

耶谢巴尔是印度现当代进步主义文学的代表作家,他的创作以现实主义的描绘,关注祖国和民族的前途与命运,表现出强烈的爱国主义精神和人道主义情怀。他创作于20世纪50年代的长篇小说《虚假的事实》,以印度独立前后纷繁复杂的社会现实为背景,通过生动的情节和艺术的形象体系,以文学虚构叙述,重新建构印度的"民族自我",是后殖民语境中印度民族自我的"寓言"。小说在印巴分治、教族冲突的民族灾难反思中,提出正视现实,清理殖民统治带来的文化后果,革除独立政府新权贵的种种弊政,经过历史风雨的洗礼后,建设一个进步繁荣、平等团结、理性奉献、自力更生、代表民众利益和愿望的新的民族自我。这个"民族自我"在小说主人公达拉与和布兰身上得到"寓言"式的体现,达拉的经历和命运是印度民族的象征性写照,她勤勉温雅、宽容仁慈、正直清廉的性格,是新的"民族自我"的人格化。小说的构思也艺术地体现了寻求"民族自我"的突出特点:在历史框架中虚构情节,民族知识分子聚会,本土风习描写,坚信民族光明前程的结局。小说在表现耶谢巴尔一贯的创作思想和艺术风格的同时,鲜明地体现了探讨"民族自我"的主题。     

论纳税人诚实推定权的入法途径

诚实推定权由纳税人财产权与人格尊严权衍生而来,在立法中加以确认有助于落实税收法定、践行量能课税和提高纳税人遵从度。诚实推定权借鉴了刑法上的无罪推定和民法上的善意推定,其基本内涵是税务机关认为纳税人有少缴税款嫌疑时,应由该机关承担举证责任,证明强度应达到优势证据标准。我国应在修改《税收征收管理法》时,明确表达纳税人享有诚实推定权,同时准确界分纳税人的协力义务和税务机关的举证责任,强调逃税行为必须具备主观故意的要件,合理限定税收检查权。诚实推定权入法将对税收征纳实践产生影响,提高现有“计税依据明显偏低”的认定标准,使纳税人的正当理由诉求更有可能被认可,对逃税行为的界定也将更为精确。     

中国共产党的伟大理论贡献

百年来,中国共产党坚持马克思主义与中国实际相结合,领导人民取得了革命、建设和改革开放的伟大成就,同时坚持理论创新,为马克思列宁主义的丰富与发展做出了卓越的理论贡献。新民主主义革命和社会主义建设的理论贡献包括:农村包围城市、武装夺取政权理论;新民主主义革命理论;丰富和发展了党的建设理论与统一战线理论;社会主义国家根本制度理论;对中国社会主义建设道路的探索。改革开放大政方针和中国特色社会主义的理论贡献包括:社会主义初级阶段理论;社会主义本质和改革开放动力理论;社会主义初级阶段基本经济制度理论;社会主义市场经济体制理论;政治体制改革和社会主义民主建设理论;“三个代表”重要思想;科学发展观和对外开放理论。新时代中国特色社会主义思想的理论贡献包括:中国特色社会主义建设基本方略;社会主义新发展阶段理论;丰富和发展了加强党的领导理论;强化以人民为中心的理念;我国社会主要矛盾变化理论;推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化理论;总体国家安全观理论;构建人类命运共同体理论。     

论互联网时代诽谤罪的公诉范围

我国刑法对诽谤罪采取自诉为主、公诉为补充的双轨制模式。由于刑法但书“严重危害社会秩序和国家利益”的公诉依据具有模糊性,同时司法解释本身缺乏解释力和可操作性,存在同义解释、近义解释等问题,加剧了公诉诽谤罪和其他罪名之间的冲突和竞合,特别是当被害人为地方领导干部时,诽谤罪的公诉权在实务中存在被滥用风险,部分限制公诉权的要件在实务中被淡化甚至忽略。从相对狭义的角度看,“严重危害社会秩序和国家利益”只有在行为人对侵犯个体法益具备主观故意,但对侵犯社会法益或国家法益不具备主观故意(或无法证明其具备故意)的情形下,才有其独特的法律适用价值并不与刑法其他罪名相冲突。为妥善处理和平衡诽谤犯罪中惩治犯罪和保障人权的关系,适应互联网时代的内外部变化,建议通过修改我国刑法,将诽谤罪区分为情节不严重、情节严重、情节特别严重的三种形态,为充分保障宪法权利,情节不严重的不作为犯罪处罚;为充分保障自诉权,情节严重的为绝对告诉乃论;为依法惩治犯罪,对符合特定形式要件和实质要件,情节特别严重的诽谤犯罪可以依法公诉,以维护网络信息秩序。     

市售乌梢蛇的微性状鉴别研究

目的 探寻一种简单有效的方法，以快速鉴别市售乌梢蛇的真伪。方法 通过微性状鉴定法，对市售乌梢蛇的真伪进行鉴别。结果 乌梢蛇在市场上的伪品有灰鼠蛇、滑鼠蛇、眼镜蛇、赤链华游蛇、白链蛇等。通过微性状鉴别研究发现，湖南和四川产乌梢蛇体背的单鳞蛇皮均呈紫黑色，腹部均呈淡蓝色，具杂乱分布的斑点群，且湖南产乌梢蛇中央纵线处为黄棕色，具整齐分布的黑色斑点群；乌梢蛇伪品的单鳞蛇皮在其色泽与斑纹上与正品具有明显差异。结论 微性状鉴别方法可有效且精准地鉴别市售乌梢蛇的真伪，弥补传统经验鉴别的不足。     

Adding to the Controversy? Civil Society’s Evaluation of the National Conference Dialogue in Yemen

ABSTRACT

This article assembles a picture of Yemen’s 2013–14 National Dialogue Conference (NDC) by collecting perspectives from local civil society organizations (CSOs), which are contrasted to the views of international commentators. Despite all efforts by internal parties as well as the international community, the dialogue failed to avert war, which broke out shortly after. Through interviews with 50 CSOs, we reconstructed the reasons for failure, as well as paying attention to the observed strengths of the dialogue. Half of the consulted organizations were directly involved in the NDC, either as an invited participant or in a brokerage role. The other half concerns outside observers. We identify aspects on which the opinion of the CSOs converge, but also highlight striking divergences depending on insider/outsider status. In contrast to the view espoused in the international literature, the CSOs overall feel that, in spite of all its procedural and substantive flaws, the NDC was a significant junction in the long road towards peace and stability and laid important groundwork for future dialogues.     

What do forensic analysts consider relevant to their decision making?

In response to research demonstrating that irrelevant contextual information can bias forensic science analyses, authorities have increasingly urged laboratories to limit analysts' access to irrelevant and potentially biasing information (Dror and Cole (2010) [3]; National Academy of Sciences (2009) [18]; President's Council of Advisors on Science and Technology (2016) [22]; UK Forensic Science Regulator (2015) [26]). However, a great challenge in implementing this reform is determining which information is task-relevant and which is task-irrelevant. In the current study, we surveyed 183 forensic analysts to examine what they consider relevant versus irrelevant in their forensic analyses. Results revealed that analysts generally do not regard information regarding the suspect or victim as essential to their analytic tasks. However, there was significant variability among analysts within and between disciplines. Findings suggest that forensic science disciplines need to agree on what they regard as task-relevant before context management procedures can be properly implemented. The lack of consensus about what is relevant information not only leaves room for biasing information, but also reveals foundational gaps in what analysts consider crucial in forensic decision making.     

新时代中小学民族团结教育的三个理论维度

民族团结是各族人民的生命线。中小学民族团结教育既是教育学意义上的知识传授,更是政治学意义上的共同体构建。文章基于民族政治学的理论视角,提出新时代中小学民族团结教育的三个理论维度:一是国家与社会关系层面的国民教育;二是自我与他者关系层面的启蒙教育;三是传统与现代关系层面的素质教育。由此出发,培育爱国主义的情结,播种多元一体的种子,提高适应变革的能力,民族团结教育才会是成功的。     

The star of David in a cedar tree: Jewish students and Zionism at the American University of Beirut (1908–1948)

The American University of Beirut's emergence as a hub of Arab national and cultural identity in the first half of the twentieth century has been well documented by historians. The simultaneous Zionist presence on campus has been largely overlooked. Zionist ideas were predominantly promoted by Palestinian Jewish students who formed a small but vocal minority at AUB prior to 1948. Faculty and non-Jewish students also regularly collaborated with and traveled to Zionist institutions in Palestine for academic, athletic, and leisure purposes. For Arab students on campus, therefore, Zionism was not an abstract concept, but rather a national identity embodied by fellow classmates and friends on campus. As the conflict in Palestine increased in the 1930s and 1940s, so too did political activism and tensions on campus between Zionist and Arab nationalist students. This article analyzes this unique period of exchange, collaboration, and friction at AUB, which came to a swift end with the outbreak of the 1948 War. By focusing on the interactions between Arab and Zionist Jewish students at AUB, I seek to extend the ‘relational’ approach towards Jewish-Arab contact beyond Palestine's borders.     

The 2019 General Election in Northern Ireland: the Rise of the Centre Ground?

The experience of the 2019 general election in Northern Ireland took a very different course to that of the rest of the UK and, indeed, to the pattern of electoral politics typical of the region. Coming after almost three years with no functioning devolved government, combined with intense disagreement and uncertainty about Brexit, voters were ready to give a message to the two largest parties. Both Sinn Féin and the DUP suffered losses in the election, with the headline outcome being that unionism no longer holds the majority of seats for Northern Ireland in Westminster. More generally, there was a swing from both sides towards centre ground voting, which brought significant gains for the Alliance Party and the SDLP. This article summarises the reasons for this broad trend, focussing on the conditions and electoral pacts which brought it about. It also considers what it might mean for the prospects for Irish unification, noting that a referendum on unification will only be passed by attracting votes from those who tend to see themselves as neither unionist or nationalist.