“一带一路”倡议与中国企业承担人权责任策略探析

在经济全球化浪潮面临挑战和"一带一路"倡议方兴未艾的复杂国际背景下,中国企业面临发展机遇与人权相关风险的双重挑战。国际工商业与人权议程尤其是联合国《工商企业与人权:实施联合国"保护、尊重和补救"框架指导原则》蕴含着丰富的企业人权责任。我国可从政府与企业两个层面采取应对措施。在政府层面,可以制定并执行相关法律与政策;制定工作指引,建立监管体系;制定工商业与人权行动计划。在企业层面,应当把尊重人权原则纳入公司治理;主动发布人权履责报告,加强对话与合作。     

论不追究刑事责任

我国《刑法》和《刑事诉讼法》用三个不同的概念对不追究刑事责任作了规定。《刑事诉讼法》第16条所规定的不追究刑事责任可分为三种情形,但《刑法》第201条第4款中规定的不予追究刑事责任并未归属其中。现行刑事立法在不追究刑事责任的规定中概念不统一,《刑法》在规定不追究刑事责任方面不当缺位,已有的规定也较为粗糙,《刑事诉讼法》缺乏特赦令执行的程序规定,我们有必要完善不追究刑事责任的刑事立法规定。     

A ‘synchronised attack’ on life: the Saudi-led coalition’s ‘hidden and holistic’ genocide in Yemen and the shared responsibility of the US and UK

Abstract

Since the Saudi-led coalition (Coalition) began its military campaign in Yemen in March 2015, upwards of 13,000 Yemen civilians have been killed, including nearly 2000 women and 3000 children. Additionally, Coalition aerial attacks have intentionally targeted Yemen’s civilian infrastructure, economic infrastructure, medical facilities and cultural heritage. Combined with the ongoing air and naval blockade, which has impeded the ability of Yemenis to access clean water, food, fuel and health services, the violence visited upon Yemen has created near-famine conditions. Furthermore, United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) predicts another imminent outbreak of cholera, with the potential to be as deadly as last year’s which infected more than one million children and killed a child every 10?minutes. Through engagement with genocide studies literature, this article applies a holistic conception of genocide to the Coalition military campaign. It finds that the Coalition is conducting an ongoing campaign of genocide by a ‘synchronised attack’ on all aspects of life in Yemen, one that is only possible with the complicity of the United States and United Kingdom.     

CSR and social conflict in the Brazilian extractive sector

ABSTRACT

Corporate social responsibility (CSR) is an important means to address conflicts, support local development and build trust between businesses and civil society. Yet CSR often fails to live up to its ambitions and can even exacerbate conflicts between companies and communities. In this article we consider how changing CSR strategies over the past four decades between Brazilian company Vale to Norwegian company Hydro have fomented or mitigated company–community conflicts in Northern Brazil. We find that paternalistic and philanthropic approaches of Vale over time led to deep resentment and mistrust due to underdevelopment and environmental damages. Moreover, while Hydro’s more modern CSR strategies sought to deepen community engagement and build legitimacy, the company has struggled in addressing the legacies inherited from Vale and past and current civil society grievances. The case suggests that even forward-thinking CSR approaches are vulnerable to failure where they prioritise business risk over community engagement, neglect to account for past legacies in areas of operation, and fail to create a shared vision of future development. It suggests that EI companies should both understand and engage with their social and environmental impacts in the past, present, and future and create shared economic benefits in the short and long term in order to address social conflicts.     

法医精神病鉴定内容架构及评定要点解析

法医精神病鉴定在刑事、民事和行政三大诉讼领域中,以鉴定意见的证据形式发挥着重要作用。然而,与其重要性不相匹配的是,法医精神病鉴定学科发展尚不完善、专业发育尚不成熟,尚不能满足社会和民众的期盼和要求,甚至引发负面评价。为进一步促进法医精神病鉴定规范化、标准化建设。以法医精神病鉴定人的视角,结合法医精神病鉴定的内容架构,重点阐述法医精神病鉴定主要项目及其作用、评定要点,尤其聚焦刑事责任能力评定,阐明当前存在分歧和困难;简要介绍法医精神病鉴定人执业要求、法医精神病鉴定质量控制;以及简述法医精神病鉴定与临床精神医学实践的区别与联系。     

少年司法国家责任论纲

由于国家责任的缺失，限制了我国少年司法制度的宏观规划、整体布局与协同进步，以致法律体系不完善、地域差别较大、部门协作壁垒等问题一直存在。国家责任更具“宣誓”意义和政策指引价值，其与政府责任、司法机关责任存在主体不同、责任内容不同、责任实现方式不同等区别。从国家责任角度出发，应加速制定“儿童福利法”，完善儿童福利制度，理顺刑事诉讼法内部规则，细化收容教养制度，协调刑法、刑事诉讼法与其他部门法的衔接；少年司法所需经费可实行国家财政统一拨付，国家应统筹发展少年司法模式，并大力发展中西部少年司法社工组织及少年司法社工；明确司法机关、政府相关部门的责任分配，强化家庭、学校作用的发挥，积极推动公安、司法机关、政府部门与少年司法社工组织的协同发展。     

Performing the ‘India Permitida’: The Counter-Gift of Indigenous Women Targeted by a Corporate Social Responsibility Programme (Chile)

Relying on ethnographic data, this article critically analyses the pro-mining position adopted in Chile's Atacama Region by a group of Diaguita women who benefited from a corporate social responsibility (CSR) programme to revive indigenous culture. While the desire to escape from poverty (salir adelante, moving forward) appears as the main reason for participating, the benefits generated a sense of indebtedness resulting in allegiance to the company. The investigation also shows how this programme played a part in building a scenario in which indigenous females perform subjects apparently more suited than men to the neoliberal and multiculturalist governmentality of the Chilean State, whose politics favours mining.     

对下调法定最低刑责年龄的省思

此次刑法修正案(十一)对最低刑事责任年龄进行下调,可以在很大程度上避免一部分已满12周岁未满14周岁的未成年人倚仗法律保护肆意实施危害行为的"钻法律之空子"的情况发生,能够有效提升法律的威慑力,使公众免受"12岁恶魔"的伤害。在作为调整对象的低龄未成年人一侧,最低刑责年龄的下调意味着他们必须为自己的不法行为承担责任、付出代价。戴上这只法律"金箍"的未成年人将不得不在法律的框架内保持自身行为的检点合法。当然,虽然法律对最低刑事责任年龄进行了下调,但犯罪未成年人仍然需要在"教育为主、惩罚为辅"的矫治环境中得到救赎,既不能"一放了之",也不能"一关了之"[1]。在"疏"与"堵"并行的同时加强相关法律制度的衔接,使低龄未成年人可以在一个相对完善的制度设计中树立起对法律以及他人权益的敬畏之心。     

Fair Trade and justice: a comment on Walton and Deneulin

In this article we first point out that the different conceptualisations of Fair Trade, which are sometimes analytically contradictory, actually form a coordinated set. Understanding the Fair Trade project is impossible without taking these interlinked conceptualisations into consideration. Second, this set basically forms a mechanism of structural, institutional and moral reforms that guide actions. In this way Fair Trade sets out to produce less injustice than is usually the case with the structures and institutions that govern conventional trade. Nevertheless, it does not try to define what a just society is or even to perfectly define ‘fair trade’. This implies the adoption of a comparative justice angle. It is precisely by linking comparative individual situations with the structures that produce these situations that relative justice can find its strength and purpose.     

Regulating Autonomy: An Assessment of Policy Language for Highly Automated Vehicles

Self‐driving cars (also known as driverless cars, autonomous vehicles, and highly automated vehicles [HAVs]) will change the regulatory, political, and ethical frameworks surrounding motor vehicles. At the highest levels of automation, HAVs are operated by independent machine agents, making decisions without the direct intervention of humans. The current transportation system assumes human intervention though, including legal and moral responsibilities of human operators. Has the development of these artificial intelligence (AI) and autonomous system (AS) technologies outpaced the ethical and political conversations? This paper examines discussions of HAVs, driver responsibility, and technology failure to highlight the differences between how the policy‐making institutions in the United States (Congress and the Public Administration) and technology and transportation experts are or are not speaking about responsibility in the context of autonomous systems technologies. We report findings from a big data analysis of corpus‐level documents to find that enthusiasm for HAVs has outpaced other discussions of the technology.