祖孙双单亲比对的匹配概率研究

目的推导祖孙双单亲比对的匹配概率(PMGDS)公式,并以随机模拟法进行验证。方法首先,根据定义推导PMGDS的数学公式,依据此公式在19个基因座上计算PMGDS的数值。其次,以随机模拟法设计实验,在19个基因座上计算PMGDS的模拟值。最后,以模拟值对比公式值的方式,对公式进行实验验证。结果研究获得了PMGDS的数学公式,经模拟实验验证显示出良好的符合。结论祖孙双单亲比对的错判概率较低,具有很好的应用价值。     

Corporatism packaged in pluralist ideology: the case of Slovenia

Corporatism has been an influential doctrine in the Slovenian polity since its beginning. After the onset of democratization in the early 1990s, its influence remains strong. Forms of corporatism are embodied in the National Council as the second chamber of parliament, in the chamber system, the system of social partnership and the RTVS (Public Television of Slovenia) Council. It is also present in certain socio-political priorities such as a higher value being placed on partnership over competition, on fairness over human rights, on community over individualism. Social pluralism has always been a part of Slovenian public life. Political pluralism emerged at the end of the 19th century and was never fully developed. There has always been a strong inclination in the political life of Slovenia to organize around interest groups and editorial boards of various publications, a tendency that reveals a plurality of voices but a general unwillingness to fight for political power. It could also be concluded that the development of pluralism in Slovenia relies heavily on corporatism because of the general lack of liberal foundations.     

Collaborative innovation in emerging innovation systems: Evidence from Central and Eastern Europe

The Journal of Technology Transfer - Firms often lack competences and capabilities for creation and commercialization of innovations. The solution to this problem lies in sharing or acquisition of...     

Rethinking the Tunisian miracle: a party politics view

Five years on from the Tunisian revolution, Tunisia stands as the sole success story of the Arab Spring. The country since then has managed to adopt a pluralist and democratic constitution, and held three free and fair elections. Accordingly, in the eyes of several observers, Tunisia is now in the process of consolidating its new democracy. However, the reality on the ground seems much gloomier, as most recent opinion surveys suggest that there is a significant degree of dissatisfaction, not only with political parties and Parliament but also with the very institution of democracy. Nevertheless, what accounts for this change? After the collapse of the long-lasting and oppressive Ben Ali regime, how, just in five years, has Tunisians’ confidence in the democratic process changed? This article accounts for this state of affairs from a party politics view, arguing that political parties, which are the main protagonists of the consolidation process, fail to fulfill their role of acquiring legitimacy for the new regime. While party–state relations seem to be stabilized due to the inclusiveness of the constitution-making process, both inter-party relationships and the relationship between parties and society suffer from numerous flaws which, in turn, hamper the democratic consolidation process.     

从动员参与到合作治理:社会治理共同体的实现路径

社会治理共同体是新时期我国社会治理的重要主体,也是国家治理和基层治理现代化建设的重要研究对象。基于对S省Z市“民生微实事”项目的案例分析,提出“能力建设-惯习积累-信任强化”的分析框架,揭示了多元主体成长为社会治理共同体的机理,丰富了“主体关系”和“行动方式”的研究视角。研究发现,多元主体基于资源优势互补与主体责任再塑加强了能力建设,能力的提升使其有意愿并且能够建立合作关系;政府通过规则调适以及持续的参与激励来培养多元主体的合作惯习,有助于促进合作行动;共同议题下的利益相容和由参与效能感形成的良性循环会强化信任,进一步增强多元主体间的合作关系和合作行动,进而形成稳定、可持续的合作治理常态,使社会治理共同体得以实现。     

Images of Populism and Producerism: Political Cartoons from Serbia’s ‘Anti-Bureaucratic Revolution’*

This article contributes to debates about the break-up of Yugoslavia by focusing on Serbia’s ‘anti-bureaucratic revolution’, a large protest wave that occurred in 1988. Unlike most discussions which focus on elite involvement, this article emphasises the wider cultural resonance of anti-bureaucratic populism. More generally, this article shows that populism can be strengthened if it is coupled with producerism, that is, a discourse that divides society into productive and parasitic groups. Around 800 political cartoons from three Serbian newspapers are analysed. The common theme that emerges is the opposition of the blue-collar worker to the parasitic political functionary.     

Rethinking on China-U.S. Relations

In the quarter-century since the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, the former Soviet Union＇s disintegration in 1991 and the end of the Cold War,China-U.S. relations have supported the trend of development. The two countries extensively and intensively have engaged in dialogue, close personnel exchanges, unprecedented economic and trade relations, and bilateral coordination on intemational and regional issues. The bilateral relationship has profound influence over the two countries and the world but, while total confrontation and crisis is not on the horizon, there is no guarantee that their future disagreements will not become serious or intractable. In this past quarter-century, the U.S. has repeatedly used and threatened to use force against China, a sign that military conflict between them, even a local or relatively large-scale war, is not out of the question. The U.S. global strategy has not changed, the basic content and goals of the U.S. strategy towards China have not changed, and the nature of the China-U.S. relationship is yet to be defined.     

Responding to Our Peripheral Security Challenges

Current challenges to the security in China＇s surrounding areas, the ＇strategic belt for China＇s ascendance, can be characterized as follows：     

Unruly Practices: Gezi Protests and the Politics of Friendship

In 2013, Gezi Park housed perhaps the most significant democratic protest of the Turkish Republic’s history. The Gezi protests have drawn the attention of many democratic theorists since then. What is surprising about these theorists’ commentaries on Gezi is that in none of them is it possible to find an account of political practices that enabled actors with such different interests and worldviews to act in concert during this moment of popular action. This article argues that to attend fully to the unique features of events such as Gezi, we need to develop an alternative conceptualization of democratic action that brings to light such mediatory political practices. To develop that alternative, I turn to Aristotle and creatively appropriate his notion of “political friendship.” Interpreted as an ethico-political notion, which refers to a set of mediating practices, political friendship becomes a rich conceptual resource that lays bare the dynamics of democratic popular action.