政治化角度与中国20世纪30年代文学论争

30年代是中国20世纪学发展中的重要转折时期，在其后相当长的历史时期内的学论争，学讨论乃至学批评中，都能发现30年代学论争中所形成的一系列特点的遗存，因此，本的探讨对加深理解30年代乃至整个20世纪学的发展均有着重要的意义。章分别从学论争的起因，论争中各方所关注的重心、论争各方的心态，对话的基本方式以及看问题的角度等等方面，论述了中国20世纪30年代一系列重要学论争的最基本的也是最显的特征，并进而分析了这些特征得以形成的30年代特殊的政治化语境的根源。     

New Unionism at the Grassroots: The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America in Rochester,New York, 1914–29

Labor movements have always found it difficult to reveal and transform the social relations that constitute markets. The growing transnational movements of goods, capital, and services in themselves have therefore not triggered closer trade union cooperation across borders. Transnational collective action also requires conscious choices and a mutual understanding that solidarity across borders is warranted. For this reason, this special issue of Labor History assesses the role that politicization processes play in triggering transnational union action.     

常识与理性(十):司法技术与司法政治之法理及其兼容

司法之政治性与其技术性一样,都是司法本身所固有的基本秉性。其中,技术性体现着司法的职业理性,它构成了司法过程的客观方面;政治性折射出司法的价值关怀,它构成了司法过程的主观方面。任何司法过程都包含主客观两个方面,因而也是政治性与技术性的有机统一。基于此,中国司法改革既要避免"泛政治化"倾向,又要反对"去政治化"主张。     

The Past and Present: A Note on the Civil Service of Kosovo: Discussing its Design,Independence, and Management

This article assesses Kosovo's post-independence efforts to reform the civil-service system and establish a merit-based civil-service system. It also provides an overview of the relationship between civil service and other political institutions and asks whether the constitutional choices have—to a certain degree—influenced the existing design of the civil service. Moreover, the article exposes the current trend of politicization and describes the models through which the latter is developing. Finally, the article asks whether the current system of recruitment, promotion, and appointment of senior managing staff preconditions a political civil-service system.     

民族国家与现代民族的"政治性"、"国民性"

现代民族起源于欧洲.伴随着西欧民族国家的诞生,民族的原生意义得到了扩展,进入了现代发展阶段.现代民族突破了古代民族受血缘、地缘、语言、文化等客观因素的限制,随着社会经济的发展,它还加强了人们对原有的民族共同体的政治认同,与此同时,要求建立主权在民的民主政体赋予了现代民族"政治性"和"国民性".     

“自由”与“不自由”:高科技跨国公司的政治化与国家化

由于高科技或新技术本身具有一定的公共产品特性,并且决定着一个国家的综合国力,因此高科技的发展与一国内部政治及国家间竞争的关联度逐渐加大。一方面,企业利益进一步与国家利益重合,高科技跨国公司在开展跨国业务时愈发受到母国与东道国“政治正确”的规制;另一方面,在逆全球化背景下,国家对技术的理解形成了较为明确的技术主权观念,高科技跨国公司与母国之间的“捆绑”由此亦愈发明显。在此背景下,随着西方排他性技术同盟的形成,非西方的高科技跨国企业遭受打压的态势在中短期内并不会缓解,国家间、企业间的技术合作将极大受阻,全球技术进步的成本和门槛也将因此显著提升,最终影响人类的整体利益。对中国而言,一方面,要继续扩大开放,坚持技术多边主义,积极推动跨国技术合作;另一方面,仍需凸显技术进步过程中的国家角色,建构国家引导下的以高科技跨国企业为主体的技术创新体系,最终实现关键核心技术的自主可控。     

Civil society and the contemporary threat to religious freedom in Bangladesh

ABSTRACT

Against the international backdrop of rising religious tensions, this article explores contemporary civil society views on religious freedom in Bangladesh. It uses critical frame analysis of the corpus of civil society organizations’ (CSOs) submissions to the United Nations’ third cycle Universal Periodic Review (UPR), 2013–18. It provides a timely assessment of Bangladesh’s fulfilment of international obligations on religious freedom, and shows how the politicization of religion and the resultant conflict between ‘secularism’ and ‘extremism’ have been fuelling inter-communal tensions and religious intolerance. In particular, CSOs’ UPR submissions present powerful accounts of the principal human rights pathology affecting the country today, religious-based violence. This is accompanied by a narrative of police malpractice, judicial failings, discrimination, oppression and incitement. A further key finding is ‘situated knowledge’ or first-hand accounts of legal restrictions and government repression of civil society organizations. Consonant with the classical work of liberal theorists, we argue that unprecedented importance now attaches to safeguarding civil society criticality in order to defend religious freedom and uphold human rights in the Republic.     

Protect the unprotected: the escaping North Korean issue and China’s dual dilemma of theoretical enlightenment and operational trial

Escalating tensions in the Peninsula may force voluminous North Koreans to leave the country, although relevant information is limited. China has refused to grant North Korean escapees the refugee status, because the main reason of their departure, economic hardship, is not prescribed in conventional refugee definition. The Bangkok Principles provide principal guidance to Asia’s refugee issues, whereto its non-legally binding framework helps facilitate the fledgling regional efforts and still-developing states’ wills. Yet, China’s insistence in distinguishing economic hardship from political causes reifies its overt cautions to the rapidly evolving refugee causes, and an outright rejection to the indiscriminate humanitarian nature of refugee protection. Another reason is China’s ‘Asian Values’ approach to human right, seeing various aspects of human right as separable. To grant refugees only partial rights would appear theoretically unsound, and blatantly contradicting its integral human-right essence. Realistically, China has only limited refugee reception experiences. Its relevant domestic mechanism is under-developed, whereby positive public opinions cannot be effectively remoulded. China also worries about the unwanted international attentions and entailed geopolitical implications, which imply denunciation of Pyongyang’s governance performance by formally identifying these escapees, refugees. Current dramatic changes in inter-Korean relations urge China to take swift, expedient, and substantive actions.     

浅谈美国劳动关系委员会在当代的发展

美国劳动关系委员会在美国劳动关系的运作中举足轻重,因此当初设计这个制度的法律要求委员会在雇主和雇员之间扮演一个中立的角色.在里根总统之前,罗斯福等总统一般任命劳动关系的专家作为委员.后来,里根任命了强烈反对工会的人员作为委员,后来克林顿也相应地任命亲工会的人员作委员.这些委员的断案更加受其党派的政策的影响,而不仅仅是依靠专业知识,这就造成了劳动关系委员会政治化的现象.     

Electoral discourse analysis of state foreign policy development: exploring the party politicization of the Commonwealth in UK Westminster elections 1945–2010

This paper focuses on the policy discourse of the Commonwealth in Wales, UK general election manifestos 1945–2010. It reveals party politicization in the immediate post-war period underpinned by contrasts in policy framing and a Left–Right cleavage spanning a range of issues including immigration and development. A significant post-1970 decline in salience is shown to be accompanied by a shift from substantive to symbolic policy-making and cross-party convergence around residual policy frames whereby the Commonwealth is used to evoke past influence and a normative vision of international governance. This has wider significance for the present electoral discourse approach provides a transferable methodology to inform understanding of party dynamics and policy framing in the formative stage of international relations policy-making.