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1.
Jeff Bridoux 《Democratization》2019,26(5):796-814
ABSTRACTThere is a general assumption in democracy promotion that liberal democracy is the panacea that will solve all political and economic problems faced by developing countries. Using the concept of “good society” as analytical prism, the analysis shows that while there is a rhetorical agreement as to what the “good society” entails, democracy promotion practices fail to allow for recipients’ inclusion in the negotiation and delivery of the “good society”. Contrasting US and Tunisian discourses on the “good society”, the article argues that democracy promotion practices are underpinned by neoliberal parameters borne out from a reliance on the transition paradigm, which in turn leave little room to democracy promotion recipients to formulate knowledge claims supporting the emergence of alternative conceptions of the “good society”. In contrast, the article opens up a reflective pathway to a negotiated democratic knowledge, which would reside in a paradigmatic change that consists in the abandonment of the transition paradigm in favour of a “democratic emergence” paradigm. 相似文献
2.
Injeong Hwang 《Journal of Civil Society》2020,16(3):260-272
ABSTRACT Protest activist leaders must make a series of decisions about the strategies they use; one such decision is the choice of tactic or performance, often informed by their cultural historic contentious repertoire. In South Korea's contentious repertoire, the use of candlelight vigils has become an increasingly prevalent form of protest tactic. Candlelight vigils have become an increasingly prominent tactic in South Korea’s repertoire over the last two decades, as evidenced by major candlelight vigils in 2002, 2008, and 2016-2017. In this study, we explore the ways in which candlelight vigils as a protest tactic have evolved over time in South Korea. We notably find that vigils emerged as a left-wing protest tactic in 2002, but right-wing protesters began adopting the tactic during the counter-protests opposing President Park Geun-Hye’s impeachment in 2016–2017 (Taegeukgi Giphoei). Additionally, we find that candlelight vigils drew participants from an increasingly wide swath of society over time and average citizens assumed greater organizational roles. This research not only contributes to the literature on South Korean social movements and civil society, but to understanding candlelight vigils as a distinct form of protest and how contentious repertoires evolve over time more broadly. 相似文献
3.
Cheol Liu Montgomery Van Wart Soonhee Kim Xiaohu Wang Alma McCarthy David Ready 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2020,79(3):298-329
The increased use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) has triggered enormous innovation in the public sector and created positive public value at the managerial, delivery of services, and policy levels. However, these positive outcomes do not automatically accrue simply by adoption of ICTs as public leaders can fail to adopt relevant new ICTs, use them poorly, or use them in ways that actually diminish public value, which raises the question of the importance of e-leadership. This article examines e-leadership and innovation capacity at the individual public manager level and fills in some gaps about the practice and implementation of ICTs in the public sector. We explore eight research questions useful in theorizing about e-leadership, develop constructs of e-leadership, and describe the current development of e-leadership. By comparing e-leadership in two country settings (South Korea and the United States), we also overcome the limitations of the existing Western-oriented studies about innovations in the public sector. In addition to the growth of e-leadership use and requirements for a variety of competencies equivalent to, but separate from, traditional communication competences, we find that national cultures exert significant influence on the major constructs of e-leadership, which implies that an effective e-leadership strategy should consider cultural contexts seriously. 相似文献
4.
韩国1998-2001行政改革的基本经验 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
马庆钰 《国家行政学院学报》2002,(1):76-80
此次韩国行政改革在政府机构、管理制度、行政文化等相关层面施行了平衡到位相互协调的改革举措 ;改革的切入点是以职能转变为中心的政府机构重组、开放型人事制度的推开、高级公务员年薪制的试行、责任运营制度的建立、绩效管理制度的试验 ,顾客宪章制度的引进 ,以及部分公共管理事务外部委托制的探索 ;其基本经验是 ,机构改革的效度有赖于行政系统内相关要素的全面优化 ,行政改革的效度则有赖于整体改革环境的优化 ,民间专家参与是促进政府改革的重要资源 ,政府间行政架构模式决定了地方机构改革的成效。 相似文献
5.
中韩建交以来两国文化教育交流综述 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
中韩文化教育交流是中韩全面合作伙伴关系的重要组成部分。中韩建交15年来,两国的文化教育交流取得了丰硕的成果。两国政府签署了一系列的交流协议,中国出现了"韩流"现象,韩国也掀起了强劲的"汉风",中国的韩国问题研究和韩国语教育发展迅速,韩国的汉学研究和中文教育持续升温,来华韩国留学生和赴韩中国留学生的人数稳居所在国外国留学生之首。两国文化教育交流的快速发展得益于政府的支持、经贸合作的稳步增长以及两国文化的渊源关系。 相似文献
6.
Hon. Linda Dessau 《Family Court Review》2005,43(2):266-269
In this commentary, the call for clinical humility and judicial vigilance in custody recommendations is confirmed as valid and the Australian experience, where the child custody report writer has for some years been permitted to express an opinion on the ultimate issue, is considered. The inherent risks are briefly discussed, and the question of who of the judge and the social scientist might be better placed to decide the exquisitely difficult children's issues after family breakdown is touched upon. It suggests that a combination of the expert's opinion and judicial fact finding probably produces a result that is as good as it gets. But a greater danger is highlighted. It is the impact of the adversary system, and whether it is suitable in any event to these sensitive court decisions. 相似文献
7.
2020年7月生效的《美国—墨西哥—加拿大协定》在投资争端解决机制上一改《北美自由贸易协定》下偏重对投资者权利保护的“新自由主义”精神,回归对国家规制权能的重视。在适用对象、适用争议、适用程序上作出变化与革新。全球价值链收缩及“慢球化”、投资争端解决机制的内在合法性危机以及对东道国规制权力的削弱,是国际投资争端解决机制发生变化的深层次经济、法律与政治动因。《美国—墨西哥—加拿大协定》投资争端解决机制的变化与革新将进一步推动“卡尔沃主义”的回归以及加剧国际投资法体制内部的碎片化趋势。中国应积极支持及推进投资争端解决机制改革,使其发挥正面作用,同时辩证吸收“卡尔沃主义”的合理因素,积极探索诸如前置协商、投诉与帮助以及调解等解决投资者与东道国之间投资争议的多元渠道。 相似文献
8.
韩国城市化快速发展是在市场和政府的共同推动下实现的,它具有三个明显的特征:城市带动的城市化、自由的人口流动政策和高度集中的城市化模式。韩国用了30年左右的时间,使城市化水平从28%提高到了74.4%。研究韩国的城市化快速发展动力机制,有助于中国城市化快速发展道路的选择。 相似文献
9.
本从宪政架构、人事机构、人事制度三个方面,分析了台湾现行官制度存在的问题,并提出政府管理企业化、协调各机关关系、完善法制建设等改革建议。 相似文献
10.