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1.
Recent geopolitical and economic changes have altered global social policy formation. The Bretton Woods multilateral development agencies (MDAs) have selectively incorporated ideas emerging from developing country states and decision makers, with a recent increased acceptance of social transfers as part of renewed efforts at poverty alleviation based on social risk management. There has been an instance in the use and promotion of conditional cash transfer (CCT) policies by MDAs. CCTs were a product of the emergence of a neo-structuralist welfare regime (understood as an ideal type) in Latin America – an attempt to reconcile neoliberal strategies of development with aspirations for guaranteed minimum incomes. The Bretton Woods and regional development bank MDAs have facilitated the adoption of CCTs in other developing countries, including the Phillipines. Here, a combination of actions by national political actors and MDAs has resulted in the implementation of a securitised and compliance-focused version of CCTs derived from the Colombian security state. Although poor Philippine households welcome income assistance, CCTs have acted to enforce further state monitoring without altering the national-based political and economic processes that replicate poverty.  相似文献   
2.
This study investigates the relationship between public employees' satisfaction with work‐life balance policies (WLBPs) and organizational commitment in the relatively unexplored Philippine context. Our findings show that (i) employees' overall satisfaction with WLBPs is positively related to organizational commitment, (ii) when specific WLBPs are examined, only satisfaction with health and wellness programs are positively associated with organizational commitment, and (iii) when accounting for employees' preferences for WLBPs, compensatory time‐off, childcare policy, health insurance benefits, and paid sick leave are positively related to organizational commitment. The findings indicate that understanding which WLBPs employees prefer is important before implementing WLBPs. The article discusses the theoretical and practical implications of this study in the developing country context. Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
3.
As of yet, civil society support for military coups has hardly been investigated in depth. This article compares the attempted military coup in 2006 against Philippine President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, which received support from prominent civil society leaders, to the collaboration between civil society actors and the military-backed Caretaker Government that ruled Bangladesh from 2007 to 2008. It argues that in both cases, civil society support for military intervention can be traced to the weakness of the state.  相似文献   
4.
关于中菲南海争端强制仲裁一案,菲律宾向仲裁法庭提出的诉求可合并为针对中国南海传统断续线的诉求、针对南海中中国部分岛礁的诉求和针对中国南海行使管辖权的诉求.对此,中国在应对上可选择向仲裁法庭行使“初步反对的权利”或其他合法方式发表其没有管辖权的理由,并通过反对申请书的可接受性力争结束仲裁.  相似文献   
5.
东南亚金融危机爆发之后,菲律宾华人企业集团为摆脱金融危机的打击和影响,加快了经营结构调整和资本重组的步伐。不少华人企业集团经受住了这场金融风暴的洗礼,也从中吸取了深刻的经验教训。  相似文献   
6.
菲律宾作为农业国家,经济发展落后,粮食产量供不应求。菲律宾忽视农业的制度安排导致粮食国际购买力下降,贫困率居高不下,并且一直威胁着菲律宾的粮食安全。菲律宾历届政府试图通过一系列的经济改革和土改制度安排来解决粮食危机,但效果不尽人意。本文通过对菲律宾粮食安全和土地改革的分析,发现土地改革政策的不彻底性、短期性、滞后性使政策效果大打折扣,贫困农民并没能从改革中真正获得好处。只有重视并维护农业的基础地位,彻底解决土地分配不公现象,通过全面配套改革措施,才能真正实现菲律宾粮食安全。  相似文献   
7.
8.23菲律宾人质事件是国际警务指挥与战术运用中的一个典型败笔,分析该案例的处置过程对于探讨我国警察实战训练的方式、方法有着警示和借鉴的意义。文章从背景信息、事件处置过程和调查情况出发,分析了当前我国警务指挥与战术研究面临的典型问题,探讨了相关现象产生的根源,解决路径与方法,提出了警察执法状态、警务指挥与战术比较研究技术的求异研究核心研究问题,探讨了警察执法中的实战配合、警察执法模拟实战研究技术、警察执法枪战战术、警员临战应变能力的训练研究、加强执法中应对突发紧急事件的行动装备和教育训练装备的研发等相关研究热点问题。  相似文献   
8.
包茂红先生撰写的《森林与发展:菲律宾森林滥伐研究(1946—1995)》,从战后菲律宾政治、经济、社会与森林互动共生的角度,全面展示了菲律宾森林生态发展的曲折历史,是当前环境史研究的优秀史著。作者用跨学科的方法具体而系统地研究了菲律宾历史上森林滥伐的原因、过程及其影响,从不同于西方和菲律宾学者的视角,给出了新的超越以前二元对立的更为全面的解释模式。  相似文献   
9.
2010年,菲律宾大选在社会治安基本稳定的环境下顺利完成;在强劲的内部消费和投资推动下取得7.3%的经济增长,经济取得了较高的年度增幅;外交上,菲律宾与中国的经贸合作发展迅速;随着菲律宾高层独立自主呼声的高涨,菲律宾在大国平衡外交上已把以往倾向美国的重心进行有限调整.2011年,菲律宾将在相对稳定的政治和社会环境中稳步发展.  相似文献   
10.
President Duterte of the Philippines implemented an open “war” on drugs based upon claims of an over-proliferation of illegal drugs in the country. Despite summary killings of suspected users and dealers, Duterte enjoys popular support among Filipinos. This paper assesses reasons behind the support using citizens’ perceptions of the severity of the drugs/crime problem, their punitiveness, and authoritarian attitudes as explanations. A sample of 114 Filipinos across Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao responded to an electronic survey about socio-legal issues. Results show that drugs/crime are perceived as serious problems nationally yet only minor problems locally. This perceived national seriousness is significantly related to support for Duterte. Trust in the law and enforcement agents, an authoritarian attitude, and region are also strongly related to support for Duterte. This paper concludes with reflections on information manipulation as means to advance political ends and the importance of context in furthering theories of authoritarian submission.  相似文献   
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