“印太”视域下印日“特殊全球战略伙伴关系”:动力、影响及前景

近年来,随着美国"印太"战略的提出和印度洋战略地位的进一步凸显,印度洋—太平洋地区已经成为世界各大国战略竞争与博弈的重点区域。印度与日本作为影响印太秩序的两支重要力量,两国均提出了自己的"印太"战略构想,并不断加强在印太地区的战略互动。在"印太"地缘框架下,印日战略伙伴关系的内涵得到全面发展,已经升级为"特殊全球战略伙伴关系"。印日战略伙伴关系以共同的"民主价值观"为纽带,在政治、经贸、安全、军事等各领域的合作全面深化,并具有浓厚的制衡中国色彩。在当前国际政治、经济重心向印太地区转移的大背景下,印日战略伙伴关系的强化既是两国各自利益的需求使然,也是对印太地缘政治格局新变化的反应,必将对当前的印太地区秩序产生深远而复杂的影响。面对"印太时代"的到来,中国应与印日共同建立有关印太地区秩序的对话沟通机制,扩大中印日三国在印太地区基于共同利益的战略合作,推进印太命运共同体建设。在当前印太地缘政治兴起与日印战略伙伴关系不断升温的情势下,中国既要密切关注日印战略伙伴关系的发展态势,客观地看待印日在印太地区的战略互动给中国周边外交环境带来的各种风险和挑战。同时也要积极构建中国的"印太"战略,运筹好中日、中印双边关系,以便塑造有利于中国和平崛起的周边安全环境。     

Legal Recognition of Plural Unions: Is A Nonmarital Relationship Status the Answer to the Dilemma?

Intimate relationships involving three or more adults are increasingly visible in American society. Multiparty relationships, which are also known as plural unions, mainly take two different forms: systemic polygyny and polyamory. Family law currently denies recognition to all plural unions. Granting legal recognition to multiparty relationships would advance the goal of family pluralism and expand access to valuable legal protections. However, the possibility of granting official recognition to plural unions must be approached with caution, because systemic polygyny poses a serious risk of harm to women and children arising from the imposition of oppressive gender roles. A possible solution to this dilemma lies in offering a formal nonmarital status (such as civil union, domestic partnership, reciprocal beneficiary, or designated beneficiary) to participants in plural unions. As a result of their differing attitudes toward marriage, polyamorists would be likely to embrace a nonmarital relationship status, while participants in systemic polygyny would most likely reject it. Thus, providing a nonmarital status for plural unions could allow polyamorists to obtain the benefits of relationship recognition, without placing the government's seal of approval on the oppressive aspects of systemic polygyny.     

成就辉煌的中非互利合作五十年

50多年来的中非关系硕果累累。新中国成立以来,中非在政治上坚持相互尊重、相互支持、互不干涉内政、平等互信;经济上促进互利双赢,基础不断得到巩固;在教育、卫生、文化等社会事业上加强交流,谋求各自文明的发展;在国际事务上,紧密配合,建立了中非新型战略伙伴关系。2000年启动的“中非合作论坛”,在中国与非洲国家建立了一种集体对话机制。而2006年11月4日中非合作论坛北京峰会既是中非50年友好关系的见证,也预示着中非关系的美好未来。     

中苏(俄)关系的历史演进及其当前启示

从中苏到中俄,从同盟、对抗到伙伴,这三种关系模式如同历史本身的有机发展一样,彼此之间有着深厚的逻辑关联。一方面,同盟和对抗模式为伙伴模式提供了极为丰厚的历史遗产,对其产生了不可割舍的内在影响和制约。另一方面,伙伴模式在20世纪90年代后之所以能够得到全面、持续而又深入地构建,是与其对同盟和对抗模式所进行的辩证继承和扬弃分不开的。     

试论合伙的民商事主体地位

传统民商法理论所认为的合伙只是一种合同关系而非法律主体的观念，严重制约了合伙（特别是商事合伙）的发展，也不利于法律的规制。一些国家的立法已经肯定了合伙的民商事主体地位，但是由于各国立法传统及理念上的不同，对合伙作为民商事主体的定位上有一定差异。在我国，将合伙的人格定位于“第三民商事主体”较为适宜。     

试论实现给付行政任务的公私协力行为

行政法中公私协力问题在德国、日本以及我国台湾地区等地都有相当大的发展和相当精深的研究。当前公私协力行为在我国大陆行政实践中也广泛存在,然而我国大陆行政法学者的关注却很不够,理论研究严重滞后于现实发展的需要。从实现给付行政的国家任务入手,可以从宏观上把握公私协力所处的时代背景和所秉持的行政法理念。公私协力中的行为形式选择既是重要的理论问题,也是实践中无法回避的问题。公私协力行为也对传统行政法学构成巨大的挑战,理应获得足够的重视。     

合伙企业所得税制度的困境和出路——从创业投资企业个人合伙人所得税争议切入

个人合伙人来源于创业投资企业的所得是否能够适用20%的所得税税率的争议,其实质是我国合伙企业所得税制度在理论上是遵循“集合论”还是“实体论”的争议。根据这两种不同理论构建的合伙企业所得税制度之间存在巨大的差别。我国对合伙企业所得税只在合伙人层面征收仅仅是一种形式上符合“集合论”的政策选择。如果以我国《个人所得税法》为前提考察有关税收规范中的具体规则可以发现,支撑我国合伙企业所得税制度的核心是“实体论”。这种形式上采用“集合论”而实质上为“实体论”的混合模式使得合伙企业所得税制度形成了独有的内在逻辑,即合伙企业虽然不作为纳税主体但其是阻隔所得穿透的实体,这需要一个理论清晰、具有普遍适用性的单行立法来体现。在不改变当前以“实体论”为主的路径下,合伙企业所得税制度的立法还应当区分有限合伙人和普通合伙人的税收待遇,从而更好地促进税负公平。     

Spoiler or facilitator of democratization?: Russia's role in Georgia and Ukraine

In the post-Soviet space, Georgia and Ukraine are broadly perceived as exceptions to the growing authoritarianism in the region owing to the far-reaching political changes triggered by the so-called Colour Revolutions a decade ago. This article examines Russia's reaction to political changes in Georgia and Ukraine in light of the interplay between the democracy-promotion policies implemented by the EU and US and domestic patterns of democratization. We argue that despite the relatively weak impact of EU and US policies vis-à-vis domestic structures, Russia has responded harshly to (what it perceives as) a Western expansionist agenda in pursuit of reasserting its own hegemonic position in the post-Soviet space. However, coercive pressure from Russia has also unintended, counterproductive effects. We argue that the pressure has actually made Georgia and Ukraine more determined to pursue their pro-Western orientation and has spawned democratization, thereby supporting the objectives of the Western democracy promoters.     

Empowering farmers? Collaborative research at Sokoine University of Agriculture,Tanzania

This article presents experiences with collaborative and on-farm research based on the implementation of a four-year Programme for Agricultural and Natural Resources Transformation for Improved Livelihoods (PANTIL) at Sokoine University of Agriculture (SUA) in Morogoro, Tanzania. It outlines the basic elements in the implementation of a programme aimed to be demand-based, and discusses the challenges encountered in combining collaborative research with the empowerment of farmers. Finally, the article draws out some lessons with implications for the future organisation of collaborative and on-farm agricultural research.     

Twenty reasons why local knowledge will remain relevant to development

Local knowledge has continued to gain popularity among development practitioners in the last four decades. However, the future of local knowledge seems hazy to some academics and researchers, perhaps due to the methodological challenges in operationalising local knowledge in development research. Rather than appropriate its full potential for sustainable (global) progress, renditions on the relevance of local knowledge in development research agenda have largely become rhetoric. Nonetheless, this viewpoint outlines 20 pertinent reasons in support of the relevance of local knowledge and why it has a future in development theory and practice.