全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1220篇 |
免费 | 33篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 76篇 |
工人农民 | 35篇 |
世界政治 | 58篇 |
外交国际关系 | 272篇 |
法律 | 222篇 |
中国共产党 | 30篇 |
中国政治 | 139篇 |
政治理论 | 223篇 |
综合类 | 198篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 2篇 |
2023年 | 15篇 |
2022年 | 4篇 |
2021年 | 13篇 |
2020年 | 48篇 |
2019年 | 69篇 |
2018年 | 63篇 |
2017年 | 87篇 |
2016年 | 72篇 |
2015年 | 33篇 |
2014年 | 82篇 |
2013年 | 291篇 |
2012年 | 68篇 |
2011年 | 50篇 |
2010年 | 47篇 |
2009年 | 29篇 |
2008年 | 48篇 |
2007年 | 55篇 |
2006年 | 38篇 |
2005年 | 33篇 |
2004年 | 31篇 |
2003年 | 28篇 |
2002年 | 19篇 |
2001年 | 12篇 |
2000年 | 9篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1253条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
71.
刘明娜 《江西公安专科学校学报》2007,(4):111-115
各种传媒手段对刑事案件的发生、侦查、诉讼、司法监督予以不同方式的传播和解读,使得刑事案件的书写和表达形成独特的传媒文化。传媒文化拓展了刑事案件书写的场域,使之不仅仅局限于司法程序及其适用,还通过对多元文化的参照,借助当时所提供的媒介手段所提供的书写、交流和传播模式,将刑事案件书写扩充到社会舆论的"公共领域"。现代传媒文化与书写文化关系的厘清因此凝聚在对司法行为闭合式书写和公共领域开放式传播界限的严格界定,以及刑事案件司法程序中严格规范写作和现代传媒自由解读不断互渗的默许或者禁忌。 相似文献
72.
刘燕玲 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2007,6(2):14-16
媒体监督和司法独立之间的运行规律与评价标准截然不同,两者之间不可避免地会产生冲突.司法权需要监督,媒体监督有利于促进司法公正;但缺乏规范的媒体也会对司法独立构成威胁,并给司法公正带来消极影响.媒体监督与司法独立之间的冲突必须解决,两者之间应达至平衡与契合的状态. 相似文献
73.
PETER RIDDELL ONORA O'NEILL WILL HUTTON SUZANNE FRANKS MARTIN MOORE STEWART PURVIS DAN TENCH 《The Political quarterly》2007,78(4):488-498
Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits. 相似文献
74.
刘晴 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2002,16(6):75-77
标题的制作对扩大媒体的影响力至关重要。《现代媒体编辑技巧》一书的作者引述一项有关报纸的调查显示:参与调查的读者中,56%只阅读标题,而阅读正文的,只有25%。所以该书作者多萝茜·A·鲍尔斯和黛安·L·博登特别强调:"在今天繁忙的社会中,报纸读者在很大程度上只是标题的浏览者"。这一事实告诉我们:要想使媒体有吸引力,就要先使标题有吸引力,否则就可能功亏一篑。 相似文献
75.
大众传媒越来越深度地参与社会生活,我们对客观现实的认识也越来越依赖大众传媒,现实环境逐渐演变为媒介环境。媒介环境呈现出鲜明的影像特征,“我靠虚像生活”已经成为一种生存状态。运用昆德拉的“意象形态”、柏拉图的“洞穴理论”、李普曼的“拟态环境”、藤竹晓的“拟态环境的环境化”、鲍德里亚的“仿真、超真实、内爆”等理论,可以对此进行不同角度的阐述。公众把媒介环境的影像当成客观环境的真实来把握,就会落入“托马斯公理”所预言的圈套之中,可能使错误理解成为现实。 相似文献
76.
哈贝马斯的"公共领域"理论与传媒 总被引:36,自引:0,他引:36
展江 《中国青年政治学院学报》2002,21(2):123-128
哈贝马斯是当代罕有的百科全书式的大思想家。他在 4 0年前出版的《公共领域的结构转型》一书提出了传媒在他所谓的公共领域中的中心地位的著名观点。尽管他的传媒理论同他的其他理论一样被认为具有乌托邦色彩 ,但其给予传媒学术界和业界的思考是多维而深层次的 ,对于在现实情境下建构中国的公共领域和发挥传媒的社会公器功能具有学术和实践意义 相似文献
77.
Mordecai Lee 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2002,2(2):33-43
Public reporting is a requirement for public affairs practitioners in public administration because of the democratic context in which government operates. By reporting to the public‐at‐large on agency activities, government agencies contributed to an informed citizenry, the essential foundation of a democracy. For public affairs in business administration and non‐profit administration, public reporting is desirable rather than mandatory. Public reporting was traditionally accomplished indirectly, through news media coverage of government. However, recent research suggests a diminution of interest by the media in fulfilling its role as an instrument of democracy. This means that the public reporting obligation of public affairs professionals in public administration needs to shift to direct reporting, through such products as annual reports, newsletters, TV programmes, Internet websites etc. Copyright © 2002 Henry Stewart Publications. 相似文献
78.
盛沛林 《南京政治学院学报》2000,16(1):82-85
从传播学的角度看,李洪志及其法轮功邪教组织散布的歪理邪说,是传播效果“魔弹论”的沉渣泛起,是魔弹现象在现代的“回光返照”。文章揭露了法轮功蒙蔽、欺骗群众的主要伎俩狂热鼓吹“教主崇拜”,大力推行“造神”运动,制造崇拜、迷信的舆论环境;编造一套与众不同的理论和话语体系,异化人们的思维模式和认知结构;给法轮功修炼者套上精神枷锁,实行精神控制和思想禁锢;编造蛊惑人心的歪理邪说,利用各种信息传播方式和渠道,不断扩大影响;利用修炼者的部分心理需要,乘虚而入,蛊惑人心。 相似文献
79.
80.
Emel Akçalı 《South European society & politics》2019,24(4):513-533
ABSTRACTThe present article aims to expand scholarship on the political role of social media by focusing on the case of Facebook and the self-determination claims of Turkish Cypriots vis-à-vis Turkey. Drawing upon a virtual ethnography of relevant Facebook sites and groups, this article scrutinises whether social media offer an innovative public platform for the politics of self-determination or on-line claims are in reality formed and negotiated in the same manner as the offline ones. The article concludes that Turkish Cypriots’ Facebook activism may very well be for strengthening their community, shielding their distinct characteristics from mainland Turkey and raising their self-esteem, rather than indicating demands for complete autonomy in the traditional political sense of the word and/or statehood. 相似文献