试析乌克兰语言政策的去俄罗斯化

独立后,乌克兰历届政府均实施了“去俄罗斯化”语言政策,主要表现在通过语言立法降低俄语地位、缩小俄语使用范围以及改造乌语等方面。究其原因,乌当局将打压俄语作为矫正历史上语言强权的工具、缓解国家认同危机的途径以及乌俄关系中外交博弈的手段。由于乌境内俄语居民众多、俄语地位在乌俄关系中扮演重要角色、语言政策受到国际组织监察等因素的影响,乌克兰未来语言政策的去俄罗斯化将不会有更大的发展空间。     

俄罗斯诸共和国语言问题探析

苏联解体后,俄罗斯联邦诸共和国掀起语言改革浪潮,在此过程中出现主体民族语言虚无主义、民族语言文字拉丁化、俄语地位不稳定、少数民族语言生存堪忧等一系列语言问题。出现这些问题的原因主要有四个：一是语言问题的政治化;二是政治民主化和民族语言扩张的矛盾;三是共和国和联邦层面的立场存在分歧;四是语言政策的具体实施环节存在漏洞、缺乏力度。目前,诸共和国所面临的语言问题触及民族关系,须俄联邦政府和诸共和国政府共同努力才能解决。     

浅析俄语在乌兹别克斯坦的地位变迁

近年来,俄语在中亚的地位问题越来越引起人们的关注,因为中亚各国独立后,纷纷采取带有"去俄罗斯化"倾向的语言政策,使得俄语在中亚各国的地位边缘化,俄语的地位迅速衰落。作为中亚五国之一的乌兹别克斯坦,俄语在该国的地位也发生了巨大变化,独立前的苏联时期俄语享有特殊地位,使用范围广,独立后俄语从法律上被降为族际交际语,使用范围大幅下降。本文不仅详细介绍了俄语在该国的地位变迁,还分析了其深层的原因,并展望了俄语地位的未来前景。     

语言法:塔吉克斯坦“去俄罗斯化”的新发展

自独立以来,塔吉克斯坦实施渐进式、温和型的去俄罗斯化政策,旨在复兴主体民族文化、进而建构国家民族。2009年出台的《国家语言法》则是进一步去俄罗斯化的探路石,标志着去俄罗斯化迈向了全面化、强制性的新阶段。俄语的地位和发展问题已成为塔俄关系走向的敏感要素。     

国内外史学界关于俄乌关系史研究综述

苏联解体后,俄乌关系史成为国内外史学界特别是俄罗斯和乌克兰史学界研究的热点。目前,国内外学者在这一领域研究多集中在《佩列亚斯拉夫协议》及其影响、俄罗斯帝国版图内的乌克兰、乌克兰分离主义运动、乌克兰大饥荒、二战中的乌克兰、乌克兰独立等方面。由于从不同视角解读俄乌关系史,加之有些历史问题被人为政治化,学者们的研究结论存在明显差别。     

乌克兰问题三方联络小组协调人——梅德韦丘克

2013年11月,乌克兰总统亚努科维奇拒绝与欧盟签署自由贸易协定,引发乌克兰反对派大规模示威,从而导致乌克兰爆发独立20年来最严重的一次政治危机。2014年2月22日,基辅政权更迭,中央权力机关由亲西方的乌克兰民族主义者把持。3月,克里米亚公投独立随即引发乌克兰东部俄语区     

乌克兰危机下欧盟力量格局变化趋向及其影响

乌克兰危机的爆发加速了欧盟力量格局的调整变化：德国榜样影响不再,做贡献的意愿和能力下降,在危机应对上从过去的领导者沦为跟随者;“大西洋派”占居主导地位,“欧洲派”失势,德国对美全方位依赖加大;法国对欧盟牵引力下降,德法轴心缺位,中东欧和北欧国家声势上扬;欧盟委员会相对于其他欧盟机构及成员国的地位和影响力增强,主导对俄制裁,突破禁忌更多参与共同安全与防务政策,助推欧盟经济政策“地缘政治化”。这些变化将增大欧盟内部纷扰,弱化欧盟国际地位和影响力,降低欧盟对华政策的稳定性和可预期性。     

非传统安全视角下的俄语安全问题

苏联解体后，随着全球化进程的日益推进，俄语的地位一落千丈，俄罗斯所面临的语言安全问题——俄语安全问题也日益突显。作为一种非传统安全，俄语安全与俄罗斯在其国内外的战略利益休戚相关。目前俄罗斯政府所采取的一系列应对俄语安全的积极措施，对于全球化背景下维护俄罗斯国家统一和民族团结、提高民族素养以及促进社会整体进步，具有十分重要的意义；对于世界上其他多民族国家语言政策的制定和推广也具有一定的借鉴作用。     

国家安全中的语言安全化：以俄罗斯为例

在传统安全与非传统安全问题交织的当今世界,语言安全是关系着许多安全对象和安全领域的重要课题。俄罗斯面临的语言与国家安全问题尤为典型。俄语安全已被列入《俄罗斯联邦国家安全战略》。这促使学界思考,语言作为一种社会资源,如何在国家安全中发挥作用,具有怎样的定位与功能。本文从安全学视角出发,使用Nvivo编码软件,对2002～2020年的俄语政策进行内容分析,进而探讨俄罗斯的语言安全化问题。研究发现,语言安全化实质上是一种政治化过程,其本质是国家对语言所发挥的社会功能的安全诉求。俄罗斯的语言安全化包含两个环节,一是语言安全的话语建构过程,将语言安全问题上升为国家安全问题,列入政治安全和文化安全的范畴。二是语言安全问题的应对过程,即语言安全主体通过语言政策,应对语言安全威胁的过程。由此,语言政策不仅是塑造语言安全与国家安全关系的主要手段,也是实现语言安全与国家安全的最重要途径,通过语言政策安全话语得以建构和实施。     

从乌克兰危机看俄罗斯与金砖国家相互关系的前景

通过冷战以来最为严重和复杂的一场区域危机——乌克兰危机的分析,本文旨在揭示这场危机对于俄罗斯与金砖国家为代表的新兴国家之间的相互关系的前景。本文希望通过分析乌克兰危机所涉及的重要国际与区域格局问题,金砖国家对于乌克兰事件的反应,以及金砖国家在世界经济发展趋势中所占据地位和所反映的重大结构性问题的演变等方面,描述出这一复杂国际政治经济问题的发展前景。     

Russian Intervention in Ukraine: History,Identity Politics,and National Consolidation

Abstract

This paper examines the factors influencing the support for Russia’s Ukraine policy. Western sanctions imposed on Russia have crippled its economy and the general well-being of its people. However, support for Moscow’s Ukraine policy remains firm among the Russian population, who believe that the West has malevolent intentions toward Russia. The Russian elite has skillfully utilized identity politics for national consolidation and to mobilize support for its Ukraine policy by manipulating Russian history, beliefs, and worldviews. Russians see themselves as righteous people who are highly capable of dealing with difficulties and certainly as winners in the conflict with the West.     

CMEA trade with the west ‐ present problems and future prospects

The severe and fast-evolving Ukraine crisis has required a great concentration of Russia’s political efforts and is having a massive impact on Russian policymaking, including in the Middle East. This region provides the best opportunity for Moscow to reassert its status as a key player in the global arena, and the deep fall of oil prices makes Russia particularly attentive to regional conflict developments. One of the main motivations for Russia is the pronounced desire to demonstrate its capacity to thwart US policy, but another is to prove its value to China as a strategic partner. Russia’s reach remains limited but it will continue to look for opportunities to make a difference.     

当前俄罗斯的东亚政策研究

苏联解体后,俄罗斯的外交政策从向西方“一边倒”转为东西方平衡的“双头鹰外交”,东亚在其整体外交格局中的地位上升.俄罗斯东亚战略的主要目标是要成为东亚大国,其政策主要受到两方面因素的驱动和影响：一是基于对国际和地区均势的追求,二是出于本国平衡发展的需要,以及对自身面临威胁的认知.中俄关系是俄罗斯东亚政策的重心,同时它也积极发展与东亚其他行为体的关系.俄罗斯与东亚的关系在过去十多年里稳步提升,但也面临着俄远东地区开发困难重重、融入东亚经济空间进展缓慢、国内意见分歧等诸多挑战.在世界战略重心东移的背景下,在当前因乌克兰危机而使俄与欧美的地缘政治冲突激化的情势下,俄罗斯将会进一步加强其整体外交政策中的东亚维度.     

Geopolitical pluralism in the CIS: The emergence of GUUAM

This article argues that the 12 states of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) are evenly divided into two groups that are grouped around Russia and Ukraine. The emergence of these two groups, one of which is decidely pro‐Western and pro NATO ‐GUUAM (Georgia, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, Moldova) ‐is a sign of what Brzezinski defined as early as 1994 as geopolitical pluralism has finally emerged in the former USSR. US policy, he argued, should be the consolidation of this geopolitical pluralism within the former Soviet Union as the means by which a non‐imperial, ‘normal’ Russian nation‐state would emerge with whom a ‘genuine American‐Russian partnership’ could be secured. Brzezinski signalled that Ukraine was the key state that prevented the revival of a new Russian empire and therefore aided the consolidation of Russian democracy. One could add that GUUAM, as an organization led by Ukraine, should also therefore play a central role in US and Western policy towards the former USSR.     

Does Russo-Chinese Partnership Threaten America's Interests in Asia?

The Russo-Chinese relationship is one of the most important relationships in both Asian and international security. It is undergoing dynamic evolution as a result of the Russian war in Ukraine. This article stresses that the bilateral relationship is one where both Moscow and Beijing espouse the logic of the strategic triangle vis-a-vis the United States. But Washington renounces the effort to deal with Russia and its Asian relations as a strategic entity. Moreover, over the last 12-18 months, although Russia has sought an independent standing in Asia apart from China, it is increasingly unable to compete with China or assert that independence, due to its invasion of Ukraine, isolation from the West, sanctions, and failed economic policies. Thus, it is losing out to China and becoming more dependent on it. These trends are apparent in Russian policies towards Japan, the two Koreas, Southeast Asia, and Central Asia.     

The Practice and Impacts of Russian-style Hybrid Warfare

The term hybrid warfare was first coined by US military scholars and later widely adopted in the West to refer to Russian military operations in the Ukrainian and Syrian crises.In Russia,it is called "Gerasimovism".Russia adapted the idea of hybrid warfare for its military operations in Ukraine and Syria into a Russian-style hybrid warfare that has seen successful results so far.This model is likely to impact future military developments.     

The Russian case for military intervention in Georgia: international law,norms and political calculation

Abstract

The Russian military intervention in Georgia in August 2008 has raised significant questions about Russian thinking and practice on the legitimate use of military force abroad, especially in relation to neighbour states. The arguments advanced by Russia to justify this campaign show how Russian interpretations of customary international law as well as norms related to the use of force have served as an instrument of state policy, rather than being rooted in any broader international consensus. The Russian discourse in this context about sovereignty, self-determination and the legitimacy of recognising South Ossetia and Abkhazia as states appears similarly to be strongly influenced by political self-interest and Russian views about its entitlement within the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) region. Among Russian claims, Moscow's commitment to support its ‘citizens’ abroad has been particularly controversial. This article examines these issues and also the possibility that, through its justifications for waging war against Georgia, Russia is more broadly contesting the interpretation of certain international norms, that it regards as essentially constructed by Western states. Some potential implications of these legal and normative arguments for future Russian policy in the CIS region, including Ukraine, are also examined.