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1.
中国传统节日节物是节日文化的物质载体,也是人类"意义生产"的特殊载体.节俗活动和节物也可看成主体的一种"言说"行为,具有一定的修辞功能.端午节历史上一个重要节物--"端午索"就极具性别修辞意义和符号指述关系.社会生产和分工是端午索确立女性修辞的技术基础和物质前提.端午索的修辞意义及其指述关系大致可分为夫妻指向的符号意义和母子关系的符号意义.这两种修辞意义及其指述关系既存在共同点,又具有差异性.深入研究包括端午索在内的众多传统节日节物的性别修辞与符号指述关系,对当今继承和发扬传统节日文化具有十分重要的现实意义.  相似文献   

2.
Timothy Grose 《当代中国》2015,24(91):101-118
This Xinjiang Class is a four-year, national-level boarding school program established by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in the year 2000. The overarching aim of the program is clear: the CCP intends to train a core group of young Uyghurs who have internalized the ideals of the Party. This article, which is based on interviews and regular interaction with over 60 graduates of the Xinjiang Class, casts doubt on whether the boarding schools have been effective in ‘interpellating’ young Uyghurs as compliant members of the Chinese Nation (Zhonghua minzu). This article contends that Uyghur graduates of the Xinjiang Class have instead embraced a non-Chinese ethno-national identity—an identity bound by Central Asian and Islamic cultural norms—and have largely rejected the Zhonghua minzu identity.  相似文献   

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随着中国特色社会主义进入新时代,新疆少数民族大学生国家认同教育更具有紧迫性和时代性。国家认同是国家统一和社会稳定的基础,而新疆是境内外敌对势力利用民族、宗教、文化对我国进行渗透和分裂的前沿,大学生是祖国的未来,也是敌对势力争取的对象。对新疆高校少数民族大学生国家认同教育进行研究和分析,提出新疆少数民族大学生国家认同教育的有效路径,推行国学教育,充分发挥课堂教学的主导作用;以校园文化为载体,积极开展国家认同教育;大力发展国家通用语言教育等,为新时代中华民族多元一体融合奠定更加坚实的基础。  相似文献   

5.
随着社会的快速发展,我国政府密切关注青少年犯罪并出台了相应的政策来预防青少年犯罪,但青少年犯罪态势依然较为严峻,成为国家治理的一大难题。青少年是国家的未来,加强对青少年犯罪及原因实证研究,并提出针对性对策尤为重要。以新疆南疆青少年为研究对象,通过资料分析法和实证调研法研究发现:影响南疆青少年犯罪的因素包括家庭环境、经济条件、学校教育和社会风气。为此,国家及有关部门可以加大对南疆地区的扶贫力度、创新社会管理制度、鼓励家庭教育和学校教育并重及加强司法机构与社区监督机制,以防控青少年犯罪。  相似文献   

6.
回族自先民以来主要经历了“伊斯兰宗教文化模式”、“回族伊斯兰文化模式”两个主要时期。当前回族文化模式正在向以伊斯兰文化为核心兼收并蓄中外文化的“开放型回族新文化模式”方向转型。回族文化转型过程中出现了很多问题,其中最主要的是部分地区的文化“断裂”和整体上对现代科学技术文化吸纳不足。本文认为,回族文化要有“自知之明”,要自觉更新以适应新的时代,要了解世界文化并成为其构建的组成部分,才能够真正实现文化模式的转型。  相似文献   

7.
《北京周报(英文版)》2021,(11):I0007-I0008
中共中央对外联络部和中共新疆维吾尔自治区委员会22日在乌鲁木齐市共同举办“中国共产党的故事”新疆专题宣介会。会议召开之际,80多个国家的190多个政党或组织,包括来自伊斯兰国家的100多个政党或组织,共310多名政党政要和知名人士,围绕“为了人民的美好生活”这一主题,进行了深入交流沟通并达成广泛共识。各方一致认为,为了最广大民众过上更加美好的生活,是各国政党的共同目标和责任。各国政党应以增进人民福祉为使命,努力提升民众的获得感、幸福感、安全感。  相似文献   

8.
回族婚姻习惯法是阿拉伯伊斯兰婚姻制度与中国传统婚姻制度长期相互适应、吸收与交融的产物,回族婚姻习惯法被回族民众普遍接受并成为其婚姻方面的重要准则。回族婚姻习惯法在保持本身特点的同时也随着社会、时代的发展蔼发生变迁,其与国家制定法发生着冲突,也有一定的共性。正确认识婚姻习惯法在当代法治社会中的作用,有利于促进我国《婚姻法》在回族地区的顺利实施,增进民族团结。  相似文献   

9.
关于《钦定回疆则例》研究的几个问题   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
目前关于《回疆则例》的研究还存在一些问题,比较突出的有:在法规的名称方面,有《回律》以及《回例》等不确切的称呼,它们使《回疆则例》的性质、适用范围及对象产生了一种不确定性;在法规的性质方面,有学者将其当作刑事法规,也有学者认为《回疆则例》是回疆少数民族之间民事案件的司法审判依据,在法规性质的认定上仍然是值得商榷的;在法规内容的理解方面,就个别条款而言,缺乏对条款历史背景的考察与探究。这些问题的存在一定程度地影响了《回疆则例》研究的深入。  相似文献   

10.
没有中国共产党就没有新疆各族人民的翻身解放。只有在中国共产党的领导下 ,我们才能开辟新疆从黑暗走向光明、从落后走向进步、从贫穷走向富裕的光辉道路。只有在中国共产党的领导下 ,才能有新疆的民族团结、社会稳定、经济发展和人民生活不断改善的大好局面  相似文献   

11.
论新疆多元民族文化的多源生成与发展   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
新疆地处欧亚大陆的腹地,作为民族迁徙的走廊,多民族聚居杂处、共同发展,各民族文化在这里相互影响、相互渗透、相互交融,形成了新疆民族文化多源生成、多元并存与发展的文化体系,并体现出鲜明的民族特色。  相似文献   

12.
China is currently not only the most populous country on earth, but also the world's largest greenhouse gas (GHG) emitter. As China's population growth continues contributing to the overall global population increase, the country remains a significant player in the global problems related to climate change. The Chinese government, however, has recognized that a low-carbon economy is in the country's long-term economic and social interests and this is now a key part of its national development strategy. This paper examines the evolution of policies for sustainability in China and explores their compositions, functions and operational mechanisms. Some emerging features and trends in China's development model are examined, arguing that they represent a clear shift towards sustainability. Further problems and challenges associated with this change and how they impact on China's policies and strategies are also discussed.  相似文献   

13.
Xiuying Cheng 《当代中国》2013,22(79):131-147
Why is there no large-scale labor movement out of intense labor conflicts in current China? Based on a comparative case study of two groups of workers—state workers vs. temporary workers—this paper is an attempt to explore the concrete processes and mechanisms of workers' struggles—how they navigated among street protests, office petitions and court prosecutions through their interaction with state agencies. The argument is that different workers obtained different symbolic rewards instead of material concessions, based on their different social positions and historical trajectories. Unlike the classical ‘fragmentation’ argument which attributes the working class's inaction to its internal divisions, this argument focuses on the interaction between the differentiated workers and the local state agents, during which the workers lost their radical momentum and became subjected to the state's peaceful taming based on the workers' differences. This is a process called ‘dispersive containment’, i.e. dissipating the labor conflicts through divergent symbolic treatment of working-class protest without granting material rewards to them.  相似文献   

14.
“网络舆论审判”作为国家机器缺场下的网络互动行为,在法理、司法程序、舆论传播等研究方向引起了学界广泛关注,但该现象身后潜藏的社会性生产机制尚待进一步探究。符号暴力的“动力/工具机制”用来剖析“网络舆论审判”体现了很好的恰适性:一方面,传统道德规范在维序社会结构稳定、编织社会成员行动逻辑的同时,同样可能在网络议题中以符号暴力的形式,指导民众在自我规训下投入“网络舆论审判”的建构与再生产;另一方面,凭托于网络社会之扁平化、脱域性等空间特性,“网络舆论审判”可能在信息技术的符号化实践中流变为僭越法理、消解权威的失范行为展演。针对“网络舆论审判”于政治制度、空间秩序以及社会心态等领域所展现的风险特征,亟须将其纳入国家社会治理体系进行多维度的制度规范引导与文化矫正干预。  相似文献   

15.
This paper argues that the fluidity that permeates the contemporary international community is driven by especially political and economic globalisation, which has a huge impact on the relationship between the nation and the state. As the individual nation state is increasingly dependent on the international community for its economic survival this dependency on the global has as a consequence that it rolls back aspects of national sovereignty thus opening up the national hinterland for further international influences. These developments initiate a process of disaggregating state and nation, meaning that a gradual disarticulation of the relationship between state and nation produces new societal spaces, which are contested by non-statist interest groups and transnational more or less deterritorialised ethnic affiliated groups and networks. The argument forwarded in this article is that Southeast Asians of Chinese descent utilise these newly created spaces for setting up diasporic-like networks thus providing substance for transnational ethnoscapes or nations without states.  相似文献   

16.
Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps (Xinjiang Shengchan Jianshe Bingtuan—shortened form Bingtuan) is a distinctive military agricultural settlement and production institution in China’s western region, Xinjiang. It is also a modern form of China’s traditional ethnic frontier governing mechanism. This article discusses Bingtuan’s historical precedents, modern development and innovative change for Xinjiang governance. In an examination of Bingtuan’s main functions for China’s ethnic frontier governance, this article argues that in addition to economic sustainability and territorial security, Bingtuan played an important but multifaceted role in ethnic relations in Xinjiang, such as territorial fragmentation, ethnic separation and redefinition of regional identity; therefore Bingtuan not only makes its administrated area China’s ‘frontier of settlement’ but also acts as a key state agency for whatever future Xinjiang might have.  相似文献   

17.
Mingjiang Li 《当代中国》2016,25(100):515-528
China has been quite successful in developing its relations with Central Asian states and expanding its influence in the region since the 1990s. Most analysts contribute the success to the strategy and policy of China’s national central government. This observation certainly has a lot of truth, but at the same time we should not neglect or downplay the role that the local government in Xinjiang has played in cementing China–Central Asian ties. Xinjiang has functioned as an indispensable actor in China’s look-west and act-west policies towards Central Asia and beyond. With Chinese foreign policy elites increasingly interested in using the act-west policy as part of their counter-hedging strategy in Asia, Xinjiang appears to enjoy many more opportunities and play an even more significant role in China’s relations with countries in its western flank.  相似文献   

18.
防范与打击恐怖犯罪是各国政府的重要工作之一。新疆的“东突”恐怖势力在境内外实施了一系列恐怖破坏活动 ,已严重威胁了国家安全和各族人民的正常生活。文章从宗教性、暴力性和组织性三方面剖析了新疆“东突”势力的恐怖犯罪特点 ,并探究了防范与打击恐怖犯罪的工作对策。这将有效地遏制恐怖犯罪 ,维护新疆地区安定团结的政治局面。  相似文献   

19.
After the collapse of the two communist multinational states, the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, the fact that China survives as the only communist multinational state poses an interesting question: why does China remain intact and how long will it be able to survive in its present state? This paper tries to address these questions. The analysis is centred on three areas: the formation and characteristics of China's ethnic minorities and their role in this multinational state; the relevant domestic politics including institution building and polices; and the influence of external conditions such as international law and realpolitik. The preliminary finding is that in fact only two minority groups in two regions, Tibetans in Tibet and Uygurs in Xinjiang, have the real potential of secession, but it is very unlikely that China as a multinational state will disintegrate in the near future because the internal environment and international politics do not constitute adequate conditions for that to happen.  相似文献   

20.
正The current confrontation between Israel and Palestine erupted on May 10 and has been deemed the most serious of its kind since 2014. With no hope for peace,the continued tensions have not only impacted security in the Middle East, but also renewed the debate surrounding the Palestinian cause.Though a ceasefire between Israeland Hamas, the Islamic Resistance Movement,  相似文献   

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