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1.
李薇薇 《法律科学》2007,25(2):49-56
联合国经济制裁是安理会依据《联合国宪章》第41条为维持国际和平与安全采取的一种强制措施.战后安理会实施的经济制裁一方面给受制裁国发出了要求或强迫其遵守国际法的警告,而另一方面,在实施制裁过程中给受制裁国带来人道主义灾难,妨碍而不是促进人权,从而削弱了经济制裁的效力.因此,联合国在经济制裁中也应遵守国际人权法和国际人道主义法.  相似文献   

2.
This article addresses legal problems posed by Security CouncilResolution 1757 of 30 May 2007, establishing the Special Tribunalfor Lebanon (‘STL’). After describing the historicalbackground of the resolution (section 1) and the plan to establishthe STL as a treaty-based institution (section 2), the paperturns to an analysis of Resolution 1757 (section 3). The authorquestions whether the Council intended to bring the Lebanon-UNagreement into force as an international treaty, and holds thatthe UN Charter does not give the Council a power to unilaterallyimpose on a member state an obligation in the form of a treaty.The author argues that in Resolution 1757 the Council did notsubstitute a Chapter VII decision for the missing ratificationof the agreement by Lebanon, but instead established the STLby making the provisions of the agreement negotiated with Lebanonan integral part of a Chapter VII resolution. Section 4 thenquestions whether the Council was entitled to procure Lebanon'sconsent to be bound by a treaty by threatening unilaterallyto put those provisions into effect through a Chapter VII resolution.After discussing certain rules of the law of treaties concerningthe coercion of a state, the author concludes that it is notthat law but the UN Charter itself that prohibits the Councilfrom exerting pressure on a member state in order to make thatstate ratify a treaty.  相似文献   

3.
The scope of the collective security system established underthe United Nations Charter has expanded significantly sincethe end of the cold war to cover new fields. An increasing linkagebetween maintenance of peace and economic reconstruction haslead the United Nations to play an unprecedented role withinthe economic realm, be it by the widening of the range of measuresadopted by the Security Council under Chapter VII of the Charterwith economic consequences or through the direct managementof economies in post-conflict situations as part of a globalstrategy to restore peace in war-torn territories. This evolutionhas brought to light the limits of the existing UN collectivesecurity system as a framework to deal with economic issues.It is submitted that the ‘derogatory’ logic underArticle 103 of the Charter and under WTO law through its exceptionclauses is no longer sufficient to review and assess the UNaction in the economic sphere. The promotion and integrationof a broader set of principles and rules of international economiclaw such as principles of fair competition, non-discrimination,or transparency, would help enhance the legitimacy of actionsof the UN Security Council. Moreover, this article argues thattaking into account international economic law would contributeto achieve UN goals in post conflict situations by paving theway for a stable and safe economic environment in a long-termperspective. The recently established Peacebuilding Commissionmay contribute to develop a coherent and integrated legal approachin this area.  相似文献   

4.
The Security Council is the only international body capable of authorizing the use of force in cases other than self-defence. Its main mission is to protect international peace and security, and this has been reinterpreted in recent decades to include the protection of human rights in situations of grave humanitarian emergencies as well as to allow it to exercise legislative powers. Given this extraordinary range of functions, it is worth asking whether the Security Council is justified in their exercise. Should the international community entrust such power to an institution with the authority, structure, and decision-making process of the Security Council? This article explores the implications of a distinctive tradition in political philosophy – namely, the public reason tradition – for judging the adequacy of some of the proposals for reform of the Security Council. I show that the scope of authority of the Security Council, as well as some of the proposals for reform, can be challenged on the basis of an emerging global public culture.  相似文献   

5.
朱文奇 《中国法学》2012,(4):176-190
北非中东一些国家的形势突变,反映了西方国家正在努力构建有利于己方价值观的世界格局,也表明在构建国际秩序方面,除了经济、政治及军事因素以外,还有"人道"和"人权"的考量。联合国安理会关于利比亚问题的决议与国际法的新走向,反映了国际关系中新的价值取向。然而,国际法规则存在于多个领域,有多种视角和原则。在这些领域,不同的规则有不同的的考量:基于一定价值理念的"人权"或"人道",与国家主权原则等国际法其他规则之间存在冲突。当今国际社会对是否要对叙利亚局势予以干涉的博弈,反映了国际法规则在国际秩序形成过程中的重要性。所以它不仅事关叙利亚国家和人民,也关乎整个世界局势的走向与发展。中国在联合国安理会合理运用国际法,体现了她作为大国对国际责任的坚持。  相似文献   

6.
王秀梅 《现代法学》2002,24(3):113-117
前南斯拉夫国际刑事法庭是联合国安理会针对前南斯拉夫武装冲突中严重违反国际人道主义法的行为而设立的国际特设法庭 ,该法庭不仅传承了纽伦堡和远东军事法庭的原则及审判精髓 ,而且在很大程度上延展了国际刑事审判的原则与理论 ,并未以后的国际刑事审判以及常设国际刑事审判机构的建构提供了可行性的先导模式  相似文献   

7.
刘博文 《北方法学》2014,(6):150-157
"国家承认"是涉及国际主体能否在国际社会中享有国家权利和履行国家义务的国际法基础性问题。随着国际社会的高度一体化和国际组织的蓬勃发展,传统实践中双边的"国家承认"逐渐被集体性实践所替代。联合国的会员国准入制度与国际社会对一个主体的国家资格的承认存在着密切的联系,在"国家承认"问题中扮演着重要角色。由新近的乌克兰局势可发现,联合国会员国准入制度在"国家承认"的层面面临着种种挑战。为保持和发展联合国的会员国准入制度在"国家承认"问题上的优势作用,应该促进现存会员国对彼此文明的欣赏、包容和互鉴,在安理会和大会形成趋于一致的价值目标的基础上,针对具体案例进行历史和现实的分析,从而和平解决与"国家承认"相关的国际问题。  相似文献   

8.
Resorting to the immensely state-centric international legal system to regulate corporate human rights abuses is often viewed as inadequate. Among many proposals aiming at filling the international regulatory gaps, imposing international human rights obligations directly on corporations is a bold one, which, due to profound doctrinal and practical challenges, is yet to be materialized. However, state-owned enterprises (SOEs), given their prima facie “state–business nexus” that blurs the traditional public–private divide, might provide a renewed opportunity to push forward the “direct international corporate accountability” campaign. This study investigates whether SOEs represent a golden chance for direct corporate accountability in the international legal regime. This study provides a legal analysis supported by case law, and by comparative and empirical research when appropriate. After providing a definitional account of SOEs, it examines the legal status of SOEs under international law. Then, in the reverse direction, it proceeds to explore if the state–business nexus of SOEs as non-state actors could render the argument toward direct international corporation accountability more convincing. Major findings reveal that SOEs, to a limited extent, represent a renewed opportunity to rethink direct corporate accountability under international law.  相似文献   

9.
联合国经济制裁通常以安理会决议的形式出现,安理会决议具有法律效力,各国有义务全面、严格地执行安理会决议。安理会决议应当遵循《联合国宪章》的宗旨及原则,不得与一般国际法强制规律相抵触。当一国出现严重侵犯人权的罪行并怠于履行人权保护义务时,安理会可以代表国际社会对其采取保障人权的必要措施。联合国制裁经历了从"传统制裁"到"聪明制裁"的转变。由于缺少对公正审判权的保护,各国执行"聪明制裁"面临选择困境。针对"聪明制裁"可能引发的人权危机,有必要从制度设计层面入手,明确安理会决议的授权范围,完善"和平之威胁"的判断标准,加强对各国执行安理会决议的监督与审查,保障制裁对象的公正审判权,建立多元化的人权保护救济渠道。在联合国经济制裁中加强人权保护,有利于积极应对国际安全形势变化,有利于促进和平解决国际争端,有利于推动构建人类命运共同体。  相似文献   

10.
The Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) represents a sui generisinternational tribunal on various levels. It is the first timea treaty-based Tribunal has been established through a resolutionof the Security Council adopted under Chapter VII. A furtherunique feature is its sole dependence on domestic substantivecrimes. The attempt to include crimes against humanity in theStatute did not succeed, despite the fact that the elementsof a crime against humanity seem to be discernable in the conductthat falls within the jurisdiction of the STL. References tointernational and regional terrorism instruments, such as theArab Convention for the Suppression of Terrorism, were alsoabandoned. The Tribunal will rely on Lebanese criminal provisionsregarding terrorism, illicit associations, crimes and offencesagainst life and personal integrity. Lebanese law provides anold but concrete definition of terrorism. This raises the questionof whether the Lebanese definition, with its strengths and weaknesses,could assist in the evolution of a well-structured definitionof international terrorism. The possibility of ‘internationalizing’the Lebanese definition will depend on two factors: the judges’approach in adopting the Tribunal's rules of evidence and procedure,and then more importantly their creativity in developing thejurisprudence of the Tribunal.  相似文献   

11.
主权让渡的法律涵义三辨   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
张军旗 《现代法学》2005,27(1):98-102
当要强调国际组织在某些事项上获得对成员国的控制力和支配性时,主权让渡应表述为“主权权力”的让渡;当要强调国际组织由成员国的让渡行为而获得了某种排他的能力和资格时,主权让渡则应表述为“主权权利”的让渡。类似于基本权利和派生权利的区分难以适当地解释主权权利的让渡。在国家让渡了越来越多主权权利的情况下,代表主权的是终极支配权,而不是所谓基本权利。  相似文献   

12.
“警察人性化执法”刍议   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
伍玉功 《时代法学》2007,5(5):87-94
警察人性化执法,是指警察在执法过程中,在依法保障当事人合法权益的前提下,依照法定的职权和法定的程序,改变执法观念和执法方式,以人为本,实现执法公正的一项专门活动。在警察人性化执法中,严格执法是前提,依法保障当事人的合法权益(包括警察自身的合法权益)是核心内容,人文关怀是方式,实现执法公正是终极目标。而"懦弱执法"、"人情执法"、"不平等执法"和"首次不罚"的执法都不是警察的人性化执法。警察人性化执法实现的途径主要有三:一是完善公安法律制度;二是提高人民警察自身的素质;三是加强监督,从严治警。  相似文献   

13.
杨泽伟 《法学研究》2010,(3):175-185
在人类面临新挑战与国际社会出现新变化的背景下,国际法全球化与碎片化共存的现象明显,国际法的刑事化现象不断增多,国际法与国内法相互渗透、相互影响的趋势更加凸显, 国际法的调整范围不断向非传统安全领域扩展。与此同时,当代国际法所肩负的期望和使命也越来越多。发展、安全、人权等国际法价值目标已经得到了国际社会的普遍认可,国际宪政思潮已经成为国际法学界不能回避的课题,国际社会的民主和法治已成为时代要求,国际社会共同利益的理念已渗透到国际法中。  相似文献   

14.
This paper examines the promise of the proposed Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities to improve the position of people with mental illness. Proponents of the new Disability Convention argue that the state of human rights abuses experienced by people with disabilities is intolerable, that the existing international law is inadequate, that additional international law will increase the visibility of people with disabilities and will clarify the fundamental entitlement to equality, and that, as a result, the position of people with disabilities will be greatly enhanced. This paper questions the value of international law to achieve real change and warns against placing too much faith in the law. The potential of a new international law to rectify the wrongs experienced by people with psychiatric disabilities will depend on whether the new law specifically displaces the existing international law which undermines the rights of people with mental illness and on the final terms of the Convention with respect to recognition and enforcement. Ironically, it is the process of developing the Convention which has been empowering, and the utility of the new law will ultimately turn on the continuation of the momentum built through this process.  相似文献   

15.
This article provides a critical analysis of the Council of Europe Cybercrime Convention Committee's Guidance Note of Production Orders, published on 1 March 2017. The article looks at the legal controversies surrounding production orders with a cross-border element. It explains the Guidance Note's background and origins, the basic provisions in the Cybercrime Convention allowing the law enforcement authorities to order and obtain certain information and discusses the requirements that follow from the relevant provisions of the Convention. This analysis is complemented by four critical remarks on the way the Guidance Note pushes the boundaries of acceptable treaty interpretation on the necessity of the Guidance Note, its position in regard to extraterritorial enforcement jurisdiction and sovereignty, its reticence towards fundamental rights and its refusal to define or clarify the important notion of “subscriber information”. The article argues that unilateralism is not a solution. Instead of soft law plumbing, what is needed is an agreement between sovereign states checked by their constituencies.  相似文献   

16.
Are international courts and advocacy group legal mobilization shaping human rights politics? This question poses a theoretical and empirical challenge to state dominated understandings of international litigation. This article theorizes the interaction between advocacy groups and the European Court of Human Rights and the role this participation plays in the enforcement and development of human rights. The analyses examine institutional factors shaping broad trends in mobilization complemented by two in depth studies examining a single mode of participation, amicus curiae and a single area of law, violence against women. The data identify the critical role standing rules, court review powers and group expertise play in transnational rights mobilization and development. The findings bring into question dominant understandings of international law and contribute to a more complex understanding of law in a global age where international courts and societal actors are shaping the direction of rights protection.  相似文献   

17.
Today, many international criminal lawyers claim that the future of international law is domestic. The example of the United Nations War Crimes Commission (UNWCC) shows that this might not only be the future, but also the past. This article analyzes the practice of the Commission (1943–1948), with a particular emphasis on facts, evidence and interaction with domestic authorities. It argues that the UNWCC marked an early counter-model to the idea of military justice that prevailed in many World War II accountability initiatives, and an alternative to the centralized and situation-specific enforcement model under the umbrella of United Nations (UN) peace maintenance. The Commission represents a cooperative approach to justice and sovereignty that has got lost in the course of the second half of the twentieth century. In the mid-1940s, attention shifted quickly, and perhaps too early from the UNWCC itself to the idea of centralized enforcement under the umbrella of an International Criminal Court. The work of the Commission foreshadows many core dilemmas of contemporary international justice, including debates over independent investigative authority, proprio motu powers, the labelling and origin of core crimes (e.g. aggression, crimes against humanity), the treatment of group criminality (e.g. attribution of conduct) and evidentiary standards in proceedings. Similar structures are gradually re-emerging in the context of regional integration (e.g. ‘mutual trust’ under the European Area of Freedom, Security and Justice) or the operationalization of complementarity under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC). But in terms of cooperation between major powers and use of international expertise and advice in criminal proceedings, international criminal justice is still in search of a modern UNWCC 2.0.  相似文献   

18.
赵洲 《法律科学》2012,(4):155-165
“保护的责任”要求主权国家保护其人民免遭灭绝种族、战争罪、族裔清洗和危害人类罪之害,以及在其他各种情形下承担人权保护责任,当一国不能或不愿履行这一责任时,国际社会将有责任介入并采取相应的保护行动。在国内武装冲突中,容易发生对平民的生命财产以及民用设施的侵害,但是,主权国家应当怎样实施军事行动等行为才能符合人权保护责任的要求,对此,“保护的责任”本身并没有提供明确具体的标准和依据。为防止评估确认上的主观随意性,避免“保护的责任”被滥用成为干涉他国内政的工具,国际社会应当以国际人权法与国际人道法为基本依据,并主要通过对人道法规范在具体情势下的解释适用,来评估确认政府军事行动是否符合人权保护责任上的特定要求,以及是否构成不能或不愿履行“保护的责任”的严重情形,从而确定国际社会是否应当介入以及应采取的适当措施与方式。  相似文献   

19.
随着市场经济的深入发展和依法治税进程的加快,税收征纳双方的权力和义务得到了进一步明确,纳税人的法律意识、维权意识日益增强,加之社会各界对税收的关注程度与日俱增,税务干部的执法行为受到多层次的监督和制约,税收执法风险越来越大。因此,如何有效防范税收执法风险、增强税务干部自我保护意识,是各级税务机关面临的重要课题。本文拟对税收执法风险的界定及其表现形式、产生执法风险的原因、以及如何有效防范税收执法风险作进一步探讨分析。  相似文献   

20.
二战以后建立的联合国及其安理会,为使后世免遭“惨不堪言之战祸”,创设了“维持和平行动”。五十余年来,它在维护世界和平与安全方面发挥了不可替代的作用。然而,维和行动就像一把双刃剑,在维护和平、安全与人权的同时,也存在着侵犯人权的隐患与现实问题。本文以国际刑法为视角对此问题进行了分析,进而提出了强化维和行动中人权保护的几点思考。  相似文献   

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