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1.
This paper presents recent events including the Danish cartoon crisis occasion—a re-examination of John Stuart Mill’s argument
for freedom of expression. Despite the appeal of liberalism, Mill’s philosophy had from the start been subject to intense
criticism. The rise of political Islam opens a new phase in the debate; the difficulties pointed out by Mill’s critics are
indicative of the obstacles that liberalism still faces.
相似文献
Thomas E. SchneiderEmail: |
2.
Peter Augustine Lawler 《Society》2009,46(3):227-231
Callahan is wrong to be pro-death, but he’s right to say that to live well—or for society to have a real future—we have to
care about more than mere life. Futile attempts to stop the pursuit of extreme personal prolongevity are contrary to our rights-based
way of life. It’s also contrary to human love and dignity to regard the old as a threat.
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Peter Augustine LawlerEmail: |
3.
Mark N. Katz 《Society》2008,45(2):177-180
This article compares Moscow’s and Washington’s foreign policies toward the Middle East in 1982 and 2008. In 1982, Moscow
and Washington each had a distinct set of friends and foes. In 2008, Washington still has a distinct set of friends and foes,
but Moscow has relatively good relations with all governments and most major opposition movements in the region—the only exceptions
being Al Qaeda and its affiliates. It is argued that Putin’s policy toward the Middle East is not really aimed at displacing
the U.S. in the region, but protecting Russia and Russian interests from Al Qaeda and its allies. Indeed, a continued American
presence in the region serves to protect Russian interests in the region.
相似文献
Mark N. KatzEmail: |
4.
Dennis T. Avery 《Society》2007,44(6):137-143
High-yield farming—more agricultural output per acre of farmland—has been a boon to mankind and to nature. If today’s agricultural
efficiency was the same as in the 1950s, the world would need three times the cropland to produce today’s food supply. That
would mean that 15-16 million mi2 of forest would have been destroyed—all the global forest area available today. Rising population and increased affluence
will require a tripling of agricultural efficiency in the next 50 years if we are to protect wildlife at the same time. More
investment in agricultural research and education will be required, but this is what produced the previous green revolution.
相似文献
Dennis T. AveryEmail: |
5.
Daniel Chirot 《Society》2008,45(5):425-428
The next president of the USA will surely correct some of the Bush administration’s most egregious policy errors, particularly
its gross insensitivity to the rest of the world’s opinions and its extreme bellicosity. To restore trust in American, and
to strengthen national security, better diplomacy will be necessary. Strengthening a demoralized and nearly dysfunctional
State Department by acknowledging the vital role foreign area experts must play will have to be a major part of the new administration’s
policy.
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Daniel ChirotEmail: |
6.
Daniel J. Mahoney 《Society》2009,46(1):12-20
The French political thinker Raymond Aron (1905–1983) provides the imitable model of the political philosopher as civic educator.
Writing in an age of extreme ideological polarization, he aimed at a truly balanced approach to historical and political understanding.
In a series of writings from the late 1930’s onward, Aron defended a principled middle way between Machiavellian cynicism
and the “abstract moralism” so evident in the public engagement of modern intellectuals. Aron argued for the renewal of liberalism
on the foundation of a broad-based “democratic conservatism” and displayed remarkable lucidity regarding the totalitarian
temptation. This paper explores this distinctive notion of “democratic conservatism”—equally distant from revolutionary romanticism
and reactionary nostalgia—that guided Aron’s public engagement over a fifty-year period and that was central to his idea of
the political responsibility of intellectuals.
相似文献
Daniel J. MahoneyEmail: |
7.
Alexander Brown 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(4):435-464
This article considers whether or not there are any global egalitarian rights through a critical examination of the political
philosophy of Ronald Dworkin. Although Dworkin maintains that equal concern is the special and indispensable virtue of sovereigns
and the hallmark of a fraternal political community, it is far from obvious whether the demands of equality stop at state
borders. While some scholars in the field—most notably Thomas Pogge—posit the existence of negative rights in relation to
social and economic inequalities at the global level, here I try to defend the existence of positive global egalitarian rights
by appealing to Dworkin’s own two principles of ethical individualism. I also set out the framework for a version of what
I call global luck egalitarianism based on Dworkin’s equality of resources and try to respond to David Miller’s charge that
comparative principles of justice do not apply at the global level.
相似文献
Alexander BrownEmail: |
8.
Peter Skerry 《Society》2008,45(1):46-52
The situations of nineteenth century dock workers and today’s immigrant day laborers bear striking similarities and challenges,
especially for those seeking to organize them into labor unions. The obstacles confronting such organizing efforts also underscore
the legitimate concerns many Americans have about the threats to social order posed by immigrants today.
相似文献
Peter SkerryEmail: |
9.
Well over $1 billion was spent on televised political advertising in the U.S. in 2004. Given the ubiquity of the 30 second
spot, one might presume that ads must affect viewers’ vote choices. Somewhat surprisingly, though, scholars have yet to make
much progress in confirming this claim. In this paper, we leverage a comprehensive dataset that tracks political ads in the
nation’s top media markets and a survey of presidential and U.S. Senate voters in 2004. We ask whether exposure to presidential
and Senate advertising influences voters’ evaluations of candidates and the choices that they make at the ballot box. In the
end, we find considerable evidence that advertising persuades—and that its impact varies depending on the characteristics
of the viewer.
相似文献
Travis N. RidoutEmail: |
10.
George Crowder 《Society》2008,45(3):247-252
I agree with Roger Sandall’s opposition to the ‘culture cult’ in broad outline, but wish to register three reservations. First,
he is too sweeping in apparently attacking the whole of ‘multiculturalism’, and unfair in condemning claims on the basis of
the motives allegedly behind them. Second, his relativist interpretation of Berlin and Herder needs qualification, since their
work also contains the idea of value pluralism, which should be distinguished from relativism. Third, the political implications
of pluralism support a commitment to liberal universalism and liberal multiculturalism, which may not be far removed from
Sandall’s own position.
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George CrowderEmail: |
11.
Eileen R. Meehan 《Society》2008,45(4):338-341
Tourism has long figured in municipal and state-wide plans for economic development and revitalization. Such plans often articulate
themes subsequently used to organize tours, advertising campaigns, and merchandising. In the 1990s, some residents of Roswell,
New Mexico, tried to build tourism using typical southwestern themes. Others capitalized on Roswell’s unique association with
an alleged crash of an extraterrestrial craft. Early support from the New Mexico Tourism Department (NMTD) facilitated the
success of Roswell’s UFO-based tourism. In 2007, NMTD launched its own alien-based advertising campaign promoting New Mexico
as a tourist destination.
相似文献
Eileen R. MeehanEmail: |
12.
Laura Ymayo Tartakoff 《Society》2008,45(4):363-367
A law school dean, a university president, a scholarly judge, and the head of the Foreign Ministry division in charge of Chile’s
frontiers agree: The Constitution of 1980 was the initial turning point in Chile’s transition from autocracy to pluralism.
相似文献
Laura Ymayo TartakoffEmail: |
13.
Wilfred M. McClay 《Society》2008,45(5):403-405
Whatever else the 2008 presidential election may result in, we can be sure that it will only contribute further to the steadily
declining role of political parties in American politics, and the myriad negative consequences arising from that decline.
相似文献
Wilfred M. McClayEmail: |
14.
Lee H. Igel 《Society》2008,45(6):512-514
Most people mistakenly assume that health care first became a major political issue in 1945 because President Harry S. Truman’s
special address to Congress on Nov. 19 of that year marked the first time a sitting president publicly endorsed a national
health-care program. But the question of whether—or to what extent—it is the responsibility of government to subsidize health
care for its citizens has been around for a much longer amount of time. Now that health care has become a major focus of domestic
political debate, especially in light of the impending presidential election, this article, modified from an entry in the
forthcoming Encyclopedia of Campaigns, Elections, & Electoral Behavior (Sage Publications), serves to inform the reader of the origins and history of health care as a campaign issue.
相似文献
Lee H. IgelEmail: |
15.
16.
Media Use and Political Predispositions: Revisiting the Concept of Selective Exposure 总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5
Natalie Jomini Stroud 《Political Behavior》2008,30(3):341-366
Today, people have ample opportunity to engage in selective exposure, the selection of information matching their beliefs.
Whether this is occurring, however, is a matter of debate. While some worry that people increasingly are seeking out likeminded
views, others propose that newer media provide an increased opportunity for exposure to diverse views. In returning to the
concept of selective exposure, this article argues that certain topics, such as politics, are more likely to inspire selective
exposure and that research should investigate habitual media exposure patterns, as opposed to single exposure decisions. This
study investigates whether different media types (newspapers, political talk radio, cable news, and Internet) are more likely
to inspire selective exposure. Using data from the 2004 National Annenberg Election Survey, evidence supports the idea that
people’s political beliefs are related to their media exposure—a pattern that persists across media types. Over-time analyses
suggest that people’s political beliefs motivate their media use patterns and that cable news audiences became increasingly
politically divided over the course of the 2004 election.
相似文献
Natalie Jomini StroudEmail: |
17.
The Age of Geoeconomics, China’s Global Role, and Prospects of Cross-Strait Integration 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
James C. Hsiung 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2009,14(2):113-133
After noting the rise of geoeconomics in the post-Cold War era, the paper ascertains how the age of geoeconomics re-defines
power and the rules of the balance of power game. Of particular significance is that a nation’s economic security eclipses
its military security (or traditional national defense). In this context, I examine the meanings of the rise of a re-ascendant
China for world politics in general and for Taiwan’s future in particular. Considering Taiwan’s heavy dependence on imported
natural resources and its isolation and exclusion from vital international economic groupings, such as FTA’s. ASEAN, ASEM,
and the 16-nation Asian super economic bloc in the marking. Finally, I take a prospective look at the prospect of a future
cross-Strait integration between Taiwan and mainland China under the impact of the dictate of geoeconomics.
James C. Hsiung is Professor of Politics, at New York University, in New York, N.Y. His teaching and research interests are in international politics theory, international governance, international law, and international relations of Asia. 相似文献
James C. HsiungEmail: |
James C. Hsiung is Professor of Politics, at New York University, in New York, N.Y. His teaching and research interests are in international politics theory, international governance, international law, and international relations of Asia. 相似文献
18.
Robert Carle 《Society》2008,45(2):181-190
In the 1980s, Britain’s Labour Party promoted a system of race-relations that envisioned Britain as a collection of discrete
cultures with equal status. This multicultural model for organizing society conflicted with traditional British notions of
a unified national culture, with an assimilationist model of immigrant incorporation. Today, the Labour Party’s relationship
with Islamists is sharply dividing Labour’s “rainbow” constituency. Whereas the horrific events of 9/11 and 7/7 have led many
Labour leaders to replace its defense of multiculturalism with Tory-sounding calls for immigrant assimilation, other Labour
leaders are working harder than ever to accommodate their Muslim constituents.
相似文献
Robert CarleEmail: |
19.
Brian D. Mc Kenzie 《Political Behavior》2008,30(1):25-45
Few studies consider how Putnam’s bridging and bonding social capital arguments apply to voluntary associations within American
minority group communities. Consequently, I examine African-American civic groups to explore Putnam’s claims about the potential
negative political effects of bonding social capital. In contrast to the bonding social capital thesis, I argue that black
communal associations encourage African-Americans to be involved in a variety of mainstream civic and political activities
that reach beyond their own group interests. Using the 1993–1994 National Black Politics Study I demonstrate that although
black organizations are predominantly composed of African-Americans and work to advance their interests, these goals are not
pursued at the expense of connecting blacks to others in the general polity.
相似文献
Brian D. Mc KenzieEmail: |
20.
Relying on rarely analyzed public opinion data from the 1930s and early 1940s, we take issue with the notion popular in contemporary
liberal circles that the New Deal era represented a period of expansive commitment to the security and well-being of the poor
and politically disenfranchised. At least where the public is concerned—as opposed to the progressive policy makers in the
Roosevelt administration—the jobless were regarded with suspicion, immigrants should be forced to “go home,” women belong
in the kitchen not on the shop floor. The harsher the economic conditions (by state), the more conservative were the public
attitudes. Hence New Deal legislative victories accrued despite rather than because of public support.
相似文献
Elisabeth JacobsEmail: |