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电影是文化传播的重要载体,也是文化软实力提升的核心构成部分。新疆本土电影在发展过程中主要面临电影创作题材单一,电影产业功能发挥不足等问题。在今后发展中应该走本土化、民族化、品牌化、市场化、平台合作化等发展道路。 相似文献
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今年5月1日,我国首次推行电影审查、发行和放映分级制度。从而结束了我国电影不分题材风格样式、画面音响等表现手法,在观赏者面前“一律平等”的状况。专家们认为,这一思想文化领域的重要立法,标志着我国电影创作生产、发行放映与市场管理将进入一个新的发展阶段。对于丰富群众文化生活,加强对青少年的文化道德教育,将起着十分重要的推动作用。 “分级制”的成因 近年来,我国电影在改革大潮的推动下有了较快发展,题材领域 相似文献
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一、推进各民族杂居的重要性新疆是我国地域面积最大的多宗教、多语言、多文化并存的多民族聚居区,现有21813334人口中,少数民族人口占59.9%,汉族人口占40.1%(新疆日报公布的第六次人口普查数据)。1955年10月,新疆建立了维吾尔自治区。新疆维吾尔自治区下辖5个非维吾尔民族自治州,6个非维吾尔民族自治县,42个非维吾尔民族乡。新疆农村中普遍存在着单一少数民族聚居村和"民汉合居"村之间在经济社会文化发展上的不平衡。与这种不平衡相伴的,是历史上自然形成的少数的"民汉合居"村"插花"在绝大多数单一少数民族聚居 相似文献
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自古以来,新疆就是我国多民族聚居的家园。千百年来,中原文化与西域文化在这里交汇,东方文化与西方文化在这里融合,共同创造出绚丽多彩的民族文化。季羡林先生曾说过,“在全人类历史上,影响深远、历史悠久的文化体系只有四个,中国、印度、伊斯兰和希腊罗马文化体系,这四大文化体系汇流的地方只有一个,这就是中国的新疆地区。”在现代化、信息化、国际化的今天,新疆正以现代文化为引领,以包容开放、海纳百川的胸怀创造着新的文化辉煌。 相似文献
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新疆丰富多彩的少数民族非物质文化遗产为新疆高校民族文化传承提供了平台.分析了新疆高校民族文化传承在少数民族非物质文化遗产保护中的重要作用,提出了在新疆高校如何开展民族文化传承教育,促进少数民族非物质文化遗产保护的对策. 相似文献
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新疆是伟大祖国不可分离的部分,又是根据国家宪法实行民族区域自治的多民族聚居地方。如何正确理解区域自治制确切含义,对于新疆进一步全面贯彻党和国家总路线、总方针,全面实施国家宪法和民族区域自治法,以及新疆四化建设事业都具有重要的意义。 (一) 什么是我国的民族区域自治制?怎样认识新疆维吾尔自治区这一名称的科学含义?这不是什么新问题。众所周知,我国是各民族人民共同缔造的统一的多民族国家,是五十六个兄弟民族组成的大家庭。实行民族区域自治,是党和国家依据马克思列宁主义,解决我国民族问题的基本政策,是国家的一项重要政治制度。民族区域自治法规定:“民族区域自治是在国 相似文献
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我国是一个多民族国家,各民族的国家认同、民族认同及文化认同现状对民族团结和国家稳定意义重大,本调查以藏族大学生为样本,运用调查问卷结合个别访谈方法,对藏族大学生国家认同、民族认同及文化认同现状进行调查,分析原因,探索提高藏族大学生国家认同和主流文化认同对策。 相似文献
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This study begins with an exploration of the external (EuropeanUnion) and internal (Czech political parties) forces that shapedthe creation of regional assemblies in the Czech Republic. Theinstitutional and administrative requirements of EU regionalpolicy served as a catalyst for the creation of Czech regionalgovernments. Domestic struggles over decentralization, particularlyamong Czech political parties, are reflected in the number andboundaries of the regions as well as in the slow transfer ofpolicy competences from the national government to regionalgovernments. This study also examines the November 2000 regionalelections and places the results in the context of the 2002parliamentary elections. Party support clustered by region,but the position that parties took on the creation of regionalassemblies did not impact electoral success in the regionalelections, nor did party success or failure in the regionalelections forecast electoral fortunes in the parliamentary elections.The regional and national elections reflected low voter turnout,relatively strong support for the Communist party, and a dramaticrise and fall of party coalitions. 相似文献
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Simon Krogh 《Scandinavian political studies》2011,34(4):307-331
This article poses the question of whether reform politicians' pursuit of institutional goods may, under certain circumstances, lead to the creation of inefficient political institutions. The theory of weakening political actors through the creation of inefficient political institutions, as elaborated by Terry M. Moe, is applied in a comparative analysis of two main elements in the recent Danish administrative reform: the consolidation of 270 municipalities into 98 larger ones, and the creation of five new macro regions with special responsibilities. In contrast to the coherent institutional structure of the municipalities, the level of coherence in the regional reform elements is inappropriate and inefficient. The article shows that the different institutions in the municipalities and the regions can be interpreted as an attempt by the (national) reform parties to prevent other political actors from gaining access to future substantial, as well as institutional, goods. 相似文献
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David Lange 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》1998,57(1):12-18
This article is about New Zealand's recent experience in public sector reform. New Zealand became seized with economic rationalism about the same time as Australia did but at the national level we went faster and farther than Australia towards the creation of a commercial culture in the public sector. Here I discuss what might be learned from what has happened in New Zealand. 相似文献
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国家文化安全问题,是一个涉及国家文化主权、民族凝聚力、综合国力以及社会稳定和经济可持续发展的战略性问题。经济全球化的趋势对国家文化主权和民族文化认同产生了事实性的挑战。维护国家文化安全要内外兼修,既要增强文化创新能力,推动社会主义文化大发展大繁荣,又要实施中华文化走出去战略,提高中国文化的国际竞争力和影响力。 相似文献
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MARK BELL 《The Political quarterly》2008,79(1):36-44
This article examines the impact on national law and policy of two Directives on combating discrimination adopted by the EU in 2000. It considers the extent to which their transposition has resulted in the 'Europeanisation' of anti-discrimination law and whether this implies convergence in the direction of a common model. Two themes are examined: the list of protected grounds of discrimination and the creation of equality institutions. All 27 states have introduced legal reforms in response to the Directives and a loose level of convergence can be identified. Nevertheless, specific national traditions have proved resilient, for example, shaping the meaning attached to terms such as 'disability' or the structure and powers of equality bodies. 相似文献
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Martin Brusis 《West European politics》2013,36(2):405-425
How well do electoral competition, ideological divides and territory-based cleavages explain the strategies of administrative-territorial reform chosen by political parties in Poland? The role of these logics is explored in the creation of regions and regional self-governments (1999), local electoral reform (2002), rules of adopting regional development projects (2006) and the creation of metropolitan regions (2008). The paper provides evidence supporting the significance of vote- and office-seeking strategies, the rise of a national conservative opposition to decentralisation associated with the weakening of the post-communist divide, and parties representing distinct eastern and western constituencies. Since its creation, subnational government has become more dominated by state-wide parties and has stabilised the emerging bloc party system on the central level. 相似文献
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Lotte E. Feinberg 《Public administration review》2001,61(3):359-370
The creation of the Federal Register in 1935 was crucial in enhancing transparency in American national government and its accountability under law. This historic action during the troubled New Deal era established a core institutional framework that endures as the nation begins a new century and as public administration struggles with an era of new institutionalism. Drawing on archival records and interviews, this article examines the political, administrative, and legal factors that led to the Register's creation. In particular, it sheds light on the little known but pivotal role played by Justice Brandeis in an extrajudicial capacity in this process. Brandeis's actions derive, in part, from his lifelong concern for fostering government openness and ensuring accountability under law from government bureaucracy. Without his intervention, it is unlikely the Federal Register Act would have been enacted at the time and in its important institutional form. 相似文献
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Peter Skilling 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2005,64(4):20-31
This article examines how arts and culture policy has been discussed since the 1960s in New Zealand, showing how it has increasingly been coupled with the construction of national identity. It also suggests that the rhetoric of the current Labour government marks a significant change. Against the traditional understanding of arts and culture as public and cultural goods, whose vital ‐ if intangible ‐ benefits justify the inevitable economic cost, since 1999 they have been fundamentally re‐imagined as contributing to a cohesive society ‐ through the fostering of “national identity” ‐ and also to a dynamic economy ‐ through the creation of jobs. This change is seen as an element of “third‐way” politics, and is argued to limit dangerously the sort of art that can be funded and valued. 相似文献
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John Chesterman 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2008,67(4):419-429
This article examines the dearth of any representative Indigenous role in national Indigenous affairs policy‐making and suggests a remedy. After making the case for a specific Indigenous place in national policy‐making, the article considers the reasons for the failure of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC), the body that filled this brief for a decade and a half. The article then considers three possible ways of ensuring an Indigenous role in the policy‐making process: a replacement for ATSIC with specific policy powers; set seats for Indigenous representatives in federal parliament; and the creation of a new elected body whose role would be to review Indigenous affairs legislation. The article concludes that the latter proposal in particular is worth trialling as it would ensure a significant Indigenous voice in national policy‐making while learning from the mistakes that led to ATSIC's demise. 相似文献