The small miracle

Although the standard argument for distributing birth control pills throughout the Third World is that they are less dangerous than pregnancy or abortion, irregular use of the pill increases riks of both. The irregularity of use can be attributed to both poor delivery systems and side effects. Side effects occur because of poor screening and lack of alternative dosages. Because of the lower price of buying in bulk, family planning groups distribute only 1 kind of pill. The woman who experiences side effects, e.g. headache, dizziness, weight gain, depression, has no choice but to discontinue use. Few women are screened by having their blood pressure taken, therefore the pill exacerbates illness in those with circulation problems. Breast-feeding mothers who take the pill provide less sustenance from their breastmilk, which can increase infant mortality rates. In Bangladesh a USAID-funded study on contractive distribution found that the "trained" family planning workers did not know what advice to give a woman who missed her pill on 5 consecutive days, or what type of side effects might be anticipated, or how many days after the onset of menstruation a woman should begin the pill. A more level headed approach to delivery of contraceptives in developing countries is needed.     

The dominant male [letter

I must agree with Ms. Taylor's conclusion that "a couple's equality in bed is likely to reflect their social and economic equality" (Sex and the 3rd world woman, June issue). My discomfort with the article arose partly from being among the mass of male sexual oppressors, but mainly from the shallowness of her report (more rhetoric than reporting). It may satisfy an appetite for feminist literature but let us think more clearly. What % of 3rd world women actually have their sexual organs tampered with? Female circumcision in Kenya, for instance, traditionally had nothing to do with this. Opportunities for women are fewest in strict Muslim societies. Ms. Taylor narrow-mindedly expects us to believe that this is entirely due to the dominant male. New Internationalist should reconsider publishing articles with so little substance as they will not aid in any real understanding of the fate of women in the 3rd world.     

The dominant male

I must agree with Ms. Taylor's conclusion that "a couple's equality in bed is likely to reflect their social and economic equality" (Sex and the 3rd world woman, June issue). My discomfort with the article arose partly from being among the mass of male sexual oppressors, but mainly from the shallowness of her report (more rhetoric than reporting). It may satisfy an appetite for feminist literature but let us think more clearly. What % of 3rd world women actually have their sexual organs tampered with? Female circumcision in Kenya, for instance, traditionally had nothing to do with this. Opportunities for women are fewest in strict Muslim societies. Ms. Taylor narrow-mindedly expects us to believe that this is entirely due to the dominant male. New Internationalist should reconsider publishing articles with so little substance as they will not aid in any real understanding of the fate of women in the 3rd world.     

近代东亚三国西学成因及其比较

对东西文化关系问题上的不同立场而衍生出来的近代文化融合体,亦称近代东亚三国西学。其主流文化融合体在中国表现为“中体西用”;而在朝鲜与日本分别表现为“东道西器”和“和魂洋才”。近代三国西学形成,虽说在形式上存在着诸多相似之处,但因三国社会历史条件等诸多因素的差异,使得近代东亚三国西学又在内容上呈现出很多不同的特点。这主要体现在三国近代形成的文化融合体中的西学份量及其对传统的反思。     

Why some countries are immune from the resource curse: The role of economic norms

The political resource curse – the detrimental effect of natural resource dependence on democracy – is a well-established correlate of authoritarianism. A long-standing puzzle, however, is why some countries seem to be immune from it. We address this issue systematically by distinguishing two kinds of economies: contract-intensive, where individuals normally obtain their incomes in the marketplace; and clientelist, where individuals normally obtain their incomes in groups that compete over state rents. We theorize that the institutionalized patronage opportunities in clientelist economies are an important precondition for the resource curse, and that nations with contract-intensive economies are immune from it. Analysis of 150 countries from 1973 to 2000 yields robust support for this view. By introducing clientelist economy as a prerequisite for the resource curse, this study offers an important advance in understanding how nations democratize.     

Immigration and economic development in Eastern Asia

This work describes recent trends in East Asian migration and their economic effects. The great waves of emigration of the past have largely ceased from Japan and the "dragons" of East Asia, and all have become countries of illegal immigration, return of emigrants, and legal entry of professionals. All the countries except Hong Kong have maintained strict immigration policies in order to protect their traditional and homogeneous societies and the employment and income of their own citizens. But despite active encouragement of industrial displacement to countries with cheap and abundant manpower, the labor shortages in these countries have become so severe that they have had to tolerate increased immigration. There is little evidence that immigrants have taken the jobs of natives or caused their incomes to decrease. They appear to complement shrinking local labor forces in these countries of drastically reduced fertility. The annual growth of the active population is predicted to decline from 523,000 in the 1980s to 227,000 in the 1990s in Japan, from 231,000 to 149,000 in Taiwan, and from 400,000 to 300,000 in Korea. Full employment was achieved in Japan in the early 1960s, in Taiwan in the late 1960s, in Hong Kong in the early 1970s, and in Korea in the late 1980s. Full employment was the major factor prompting relaxed immigration controls in these countries. The foreign workers are concentrated in less skilled jobs in dirty or dangerous industries that are shunned by the local population. Opponents of liberalized immigration policies cite the supplementary expenditures for infrastructure and services necessitated by the workers as well as for integration of workers desiring longterm settlement, especially if they are of different ethnicity. No definitive conclusions can be drawn about the overall positive or negative impact of immigration in East Asia without specifying the perspective from which the analysis is made--economic or social, short or long term, from the employee's viewpoint or the employer's. The consequences of importing manpower must be studied in relation to possible alternatives.     

Age structure and political violence: a re-assessment of the “youth bulge” hypothesis

A popular hypothesis in international studies states that a “youth bulge”––an age pyramid dominated by large cohorts between 15 and 29 years of age––increases the risk of political violence. However, empirical evidence on this link remains inconclusive to date. In this article, we systematically assess the youth effect using new data from 183 countries between 1996 and 2015. We find that within countries, a decrease in the youth ratio is generally associated with a decrease in the number of violent deaths from terrorism or other internal conflicts, and vice versa. This is also confirmed in out-of-sample predictions. However, the association is not evident in all constellations and sensitive to modeling issues. In particular, large cohorts of young males can become a disruptive power in countries that increase enrollment in post-primary education. Although this is usually followed by fertility decline, youth bulges often remain at record levels for quite some time due to high birth rates in the past. Strong labor markets can in general suppress the detrimental consequences of youth bulges. However, the combination of growing youth cohorts and educational expansion often leads to increased political violence even in the presence of low youth unemployment.     

The socio-economic impact of the involuntary mass return to Yemen in 1990

800,000 Yemen nationals were forced to leave Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and other countries in the region during the Gulf War. Their mass return to Yemen followed immediately after reunification of North and South Yemen. Analysis reveals that the term "migrant worker" is a misnomer and obscures the variations in wealth, residence, and status. Returnees had variable lengths of stay abroad, number of dependents or family members abroad or at home, types of occupation, ownership of assets, frequency of visits to the community of origin, and remittances. The range of long-term migrants included wealthy merchants and bankers, middle level service and retail workers, and poor workers in the informal sector. The common thread is that all suffered some decline in standard of living. The return was less disruptive for short-term migrants. Some long-term residents no longer had social and economic ties to Yemen, and some had no experience living in Yemen. About 33% were estimated to be without ties to home communities. The decline in remittances from abroad affected foreign exchange receipts. The country shifted from labor scarcity to unemployment conditions. The infrastructure in housing, education, and social services was strained. The one-time influx of capital was short-lived. Returnees comprised about 7% of the total population. The feared upheaval politically and economically did not occur. Suggested improvements for future mass resettlement include offering shanty dwellers a supplemental feeding program, a means of obtaining secure housing, and increased infrastructure. The long-term benefits of encouraging a return to agriculture should have been more widely promoted.     

东北经济三题

对目前东北经济的现状如何估计 ,笔者认为 ,东北尽管面临着诸多难题 ,但可以说 ,东北人已经告别了“东北现象” ;作为东北重化学工基地与发达国家的经验相比 ,在重化学工业阶段向后化工业阶段转变的过程中 ,呈现出来的衰退表现为早熟性衰退 ,并且具有相对性。东北依然很有希望 ,在走出“东北现象”之后 ,振兴东北应提倡赶超战略 ,而不是“比较优势”战略。     

International Disorder and China's Strategic Thoughts

Since the 2008 international financial crisis,international political and economic disorder has become obvious.Major reasons are the decline of US-led Western developed economies' global influence;US and other Western countries inaction or ineffective actions;power diffusion allowing non-state actors to intervene;a global governance short of needed rules;and mainstream economic theory's overemphasis on market roles.International disorder is a long-term process posing a potential threat to China' s national interests.The situation challenges China to create an international economic and trade order,thereby shaping itself as prophet of global free trade,shaper of international economic and trade rules,and trendsetter for globalization.     

Analysis of Western Countries' Anti-globalization

Anti-globalization trends are in play in the US and Western Europe where electorates are recalcitrant to allow immigrants into their societies,national sovereignty is sought in certain geographic areas,and the national mood seeks to suppress newly rising countries' trade and development.The continuation of economic downturn in Western countries is reinforced by their internal wealth gap and external competition.As capitalism's demand for profit is now being critiqued along with the emergent profit prospects to be delivered by pending technological progress,the temper of the times could temporarily slow down but not reverse globalization.Timely discussions about reform of international economic order and about an effective national development model should seek sustainable solutions for healthy,stable globalization and development of the world economy.     

发心中所感 斥战争之罪——论大江健三郎随笔的反战观

大江健三郎在文学创作活动中 ,是把小说和随笔视为“文学生活中的车之两轮” ,他通过文学中“两轮”的“随笔”之轮对侵略战争进行总清算。即日本对中国和亚洲各国发动战争的目的是灭亡中国、征服亚洲 ,战争的性质是侵略战争 ,战争的责任由日本承担。日本必须向中国及亚洲各被害国赎罪、道歉、赔偿 ,才能得到中国及亚洲各国人民的谅解和信任。     

Security Threats,Enemy-Contingent Policies,and Economic Development in Dictatorships

In this article, I introduce, discuss, and formalize the argument that the type of security threat a dictatorial regime faces has implications for economic policy making and, consequently, economic outcomes. Dictators who mainly face internal threats often have incentives to conduct policies that are harmful to economic development, like underproviding productive public investment. However, dictators who mainly face external threats are more likely to conduct economic development–enhancing policies. The type of security threat facing a dictator thus contributes to explaining the large variation in economic development among dictatorships. The argument finds empirical support in cases from different geographical regions and historical periods. One particularly illustrative example, addressed in the article, is Japan in the nineteenth century, where the sharply increased severity of external threats from Western countries induced the selection of development-enhancing policies in the last half of the century.     

Skill Is Not Enough: Seeking Connectedness and Authority in Mediation

Coauthor Christopher Honeyman was struck by the flagging "marketability" of mainstream professionally trained mediators in the U.S. More and more parties were choosing retired judges and other practitioners who were not classically trained mediators to help them resolve their disputes. Searching for an explanation of this phenomenon, Honeyman found a possible answer in Melbourne, Australia, where he listened with a Western ear to the presentations of coauthors Loretta Kelly and Bee Chen Goh about the importance of connectedness and individual perceptions of authority to the parties in the mediation of indigenous disputes. In this article, the authors present case histories from Australia and Malaysia to illustrate these concepts. They contend the same concepts are behind the shifting of the market for mediation in the United States.     

Making women terrorists into “Jihadi brides”: an analysis of media narratives on women joining ISIS

ABSTRACT

Although the involvement of women in terrorist activities is not new, it is still considered to be an exceptional phenomenon. The figure of a woman militant contradicts the main gender constructions and thus produces a certain shock and disconcertment in societies. In the case of “Jihadism”, women who willingly join a terrorist organisation also challenge the Western Neo-Orientalist perspective on Muslim women in the West. Starting from these theoretical standpoints, this article focuses on a group of terrorists who have recently received a great deal of attention: ISIS women jihadis. Based on a critical discourse analysis of three main UK broadsheets, this article presents, deconstructs and problematises the main depictions that were used to describe these subjects. Furthermore, it discusses how the frames described reconcile these women’s actions with the gender and Neo-Orientalist constructions that circulate in Western societies, safeguarding the deriving hegemonic narratives. In other words, the article focuses on how women terrorists are made into “Jihadi Brides”.     

Population: fiction and fact

This article was written to refute some common misunderstandings regarding worldwide population levels and worldwide nutrition levels. The world food supply is able to keep pace with high population growth levels. Worl food production currently meets world need; the problem is a distribution system which allocates food only to those who can pay rather than to those who need it. In many developing countries, the best agricultural lands are reserved for commercial crops rather than for subsistence crops. The U.S. food aid program does not help the most needy nations generally. The rate of world population growth is already slowing down. The desire for large families in developing countries is very often a realistic reaction to the prevailing economic system. Family planning programs will succeed. They will succeed even better in countries where general development planning is undertaken concurrently with family planning. Environmental problems are attributable to the consumption explosion in the rich countries rather than to the population explosion in the poor countries.     

Neorealism,Security Cooperation,and Europe's Relative Gains Dilemma

Most neorealists argue that relative decline constitutes a systemic incentive for European security cooperation. Although this claim is broadly accepted, I argue that the relationship between relative decline and European security cooperation is complicated by a number of factors. First, European calculations about relative decline bear both a global and a regional (that is, intra-European) component. If a European country is to effectively mitigate relative decline, cooperation is not sufficient. It is just as important that cooperation develops in a way that underscores that country's comparative strengths and minimizes its weaknesses. In this regard, European countries are often in direct competition with each other. Secondly, when Europeans are thinking about their relative power position, some countries matter more than others: a given European country may accept to incur a relative loss vis-à-vis another country (European or otherwise) but not others. These calculations are further complicated by issue linkage. Some countries may accept relative losses on some issues (for example, security) in exchange for gains on others (economic). This article examines how intra-European considerations of relative gains affect the way in which Europe's main powers seek to cope with relative decline and assesses how those considerations affect security cooperation in a European Union (EU) framework. In doing so, it aims to unpack the otherwise vague notions of relative decline and European security cooperation.     

Endogenous development: naïve romanticism or practical route to sustainable African development?

Development theory and practice in developing countries are dominated by the power of Western ideas, worldviews, actors, tools, models, and frameworks. Consequently, the resulting development interventions may too rarely be locally rooted, locally driven, or resonant with local context. Another reality is that theories and practice from developing countries rarely travel to the Western agencies dominating development, undermining the possibility of a beneficial synergy that could be obtained from the best of the two worlds: West and developing countries. There are many reasons why the experience of locally driven development is not communicated back to global development actors, including but not limited to the marginal role of Southern voices in global fora. Perhaps the greatest unwelcome and unintended outcome is that by trying to create, or perhaps better said, “clone” development in developing countries in the image of Western “development”, development efforts defeat their own purpose through undermining their own relevance, legitimacy, and sustainability.     

Online Mobilization in Comparative Perspective: Digital Appeals and Political Engagement in Germany,Italy, and the United Kingdom

This study analyzes the relationship between online voter mobilization and political engagement in Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom during the 2014 European election campaign. Internet surveys of samples representatives of these countries’ populations with Internet access show that respondents who received an invitation to vote for a party or candidate via e-mail or social media engaged in a significantly higher number of political activities than those who did not. Moreover, the relationship between mobilization and engagement was stronger among those who followed the campaign less attentively, as well as in countries where overall levels of engagement with the campaign were lower (Germany and the United Kingdom) than where they were higher (Italy). These findings indicate that online mobilization may contribute to closing gaps in political engagement at both individual and aggregate levels, and thus suggest that digital media may contribute to reviving democratic citizenship.