日本新版《防卫计划大纲》评析

2010年12月17日，日本安全保障会议和内阁会议批准并颁布了（2011年度以后的防卫计划大纲》（以下简称“新大纲”）和（2011至2015年度中期防卫力量建设计划》。新大纲反映出日本新的安全战略、防卫思想、防卫政策，以及防卫力量的发展方向等，是今后5—10年日本自卫队建设的指导方针。由于新大纲是日本民主党执政后首次主导修订的有关国防建设的纲领性文件，因此更引起人们的广泛关注。     

日本新版《国家防卫计划大纲》浅析

日本内阁在充分评估了周边安全形势后,于2013年12月17日召开会议审议通过了《国家安全保障战略》、《中期防卫力量建设计划》和《国家防卫计划大纲》①三份文件.其中,作为“规定日本安全政策基本方针和防卫力量建设目标等中长期防卫政策”的纲领性文件,②《国家防卫计划大纲》自1976年首次制定以来,共历经五次修订.新《大纲》在日本成立国家安全保障会议(NSC)③的背景下出台,其强化外交、安保的战略意图不言自明.与上一版相比,新《大纲》无论在防卫构想、防卫理念,还是在防卫力量建设上都作了较大调整,并对中国周边安全产生了负面影响.     

日本新版《防卫计划大纲》解析

日本新《防卫计划大纲》是在亚太地区大国力量对比发生深刻变化、东北亚地区安全形势持续恶化、日本与周边邻国领土纷争加剧的背景下出台的，与之前的几份防卫大纲相比，在防卫构想、防卫重点、防卫力量建设等方面均作出了较大的调整。新《防卫计划大纲》突出强调应对“中国威胁”，注重构建多边同盟体系，并谋求在防卫政策上有所突破。新防卫大纲体现了日本政府的防卫新理念，其变化值得关注。     

日本新版 《防卫计划大纲》评析简

倍受人们关注的日本新版防卫计划大纲已经日本国家安全保障会议和内阁会议批准并颁布。新大纲反映出日本对安全环境新的评估，以及日本新的军事战略方针和防卫力量建设的发展方向等，是今后10年日本军事建设的纲领性文件。由于新大纲是安倍执政后推翻了民主党主导的2010年版“大纲”重新修订的，其内容更具“攻击性”，因此更应引起人们的重视和警惕。     

解读日本新《防卫计划大纲》

2010年12月17日，日本民主党执政以来首份《防卫计划大纲》以及基于该大纲的《2011-2015年中期防卫力量配备计划》正式出台。作为指导未来10年日本防卫政策的纲领性文件，新大纲对日本防卫战略做了重要调整，反映出当前国际背景下日本国内从政官精英到普通民众防卫意识的深层变化，对日本未来走向及对外关系将产生深远影响。     

从新防卫大纲看日本安全战略的调整方向

20 0 4年 12月 10日 ,日本内阁安全保障会议和内阁会议通过并公布新的《防卫计划大纲》 ,该文件不仅阐述了日本今后十年国防力量的建设目标及具体发展计划 ,而且显示了新时期日本国防基本方针、对安全威胁的认识、安全保障的目标及实现手段等方面的重大变化。日本有关防卫和安全保障的战略性政策文件主要有三 :国防基本方针、防卫计划大纲和中期防卫力量发展计划 ,三者均由内阁安全保障会议 (由首相及数名重要阁僚组成 ,1986年前为国防会议 )及内阁会议制定。国防基本方针内容极其简略、抽象 ,而且自 195 7年制定至今未曾修改 ,并不能真正反…     

试析日本的多层次防卫战略

2010年12月,菅直人内阁的《2010年度以后的防卫计划大纲》和《2011至2015年度中期防卫力量整备计划》获得日本安全保障会议和内阁会议批准并颁布。新大纲主要体现了几个特点：一是以中国为主要假想敌,重组自身防卫力量;二是深化日美同盟,继续推进双方军事一体化;三是与美国联手,拼凑亚太多国联盟。尽管新大纲已颁布三个多月了,但由于受到各种内外因素的影响,其贯彻落实将不会是一帆风顺的。     

日本的军事力量和军事战略

20世纪90年代以来,日本经济一直萎靡不振,但在军备建设方面却并未松懈:1995年11月,抛出指导其未来10至15年国家军事战略和安全政策的《新防卫计划大纲》,勾划出新时期军事发展纲要和扩军计划;1996年4月与美国发表《安全保障共同宣言》,1997年9月推出《新日美防卫合作指针》,确定与美国加强军事同盟方略;1999年5月底,国会最终审议通过新日美防卫合作指针相关法案,为其执行一条扩张性的军备发展道路扫清了路障。     

日本新《防卫大纲概要》出台

日本新《防卫大纲概要》出台,预示着日本自卫队的建设规模、装备结构、任务使命等方面较过去有重大突破,在海外活动有了政策原则和法律保障。日本这一全面适应美国亚太战略需要的国家发展战略和安全政策走向,将给亚洲地区安全与发展带来负面影响。     

美苏中大三角格局下日本防卫的调整（下篇）

1976年4次防计划结束。三木内阁于当年10月29日提出了“防卫计划大纲”。当时的防卫厅长官坂田指出这个“防卫计划大纲”的主要特点在于“基本防卫力构想”，即强调日本防卫力要在已有的基础上，建立起在可预见的未来能够拥有的基本防卫力，这种基本防卫力具有某种程度的成熟性和稳定性。     

Does European defence really matter? Fortunes and misfortunes of the Common Security and Defence Policy

This article examines how the defence component of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) has been revisited over the last few years. It argues that while the CSDP has grown predominantly as a security – rather than defence – policy, the latest developments that include the creation of a military headquarter, the launching of a Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) and the new role for the European Commission in defence funding, attest to an evolution towards a more central EU defence policy. In the meantime, the article points to some structural impediments to the materialisation of European defence. The momentum says little about the form and finality of military operations that EU states will have to conduct so as to give a meaning to defence in a European context. Moreover, persisting divergences in the EU member states’ respective strategic cultures and institutional preferences – notably vis-à-vis NATO – are likely to continue to constrain European defence self-assertion.     

Flexible modes of governance: Making CFSP and ESDP work

The European Union and the United States are on the verge of agreeing to a transatlantic free trade agreement. The proposed Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership is aimed at boosting EU and US economic growth, but the negotiating partners have not excluded the defence sector from negotiations. Europe is at a tipping point regarding the rationale for its defence-industrial integration efforts. Any TTIP extending to the defence sector will raise questions about the nature of the European Defence Technological and Industrial Base, and, crucially, how it impacts the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation and the Common Security and Defence Policy.     

Energy and Security in Long-Term Defence Planning: Scenario Analysis for the Swedish Armed Forces

Abstract

The competition for energy resources, as well as the closely related climate change problems, imply a number of global security consequences. A methodology to include energy aspects in long-term defence planning, based on broad civilian scenario approaches, is proposed. The study has been carried out by the Swedish Defence Research Agency, as commissioned by the Swedish Armed Forces, resulting in a number of future mission scenarios highlighting e.g. new challanges and tasks, as well as the need for new capabilities and equipment.     

State–defence industry relations in the European context: French and UK interactions with the European Defence Agency

While many have noted that EU member states have different preferences over the prospect of an integrated EU defence, analyses that specifically explore state–industry relations in the definition of EU defence-industrial issues, and in the evolution of the Common Security and Defence Policy in general, are lacking. This is surprising, given that different configurations of government–industry relations have represented a persistent impediment to European defence-industrial cross-border collaboration. This article investigates how state–defence industry relations impact on member states’ preferences towards the EU defence-industrial framework. Based on the case studies of the interaction of France and the UK with the European Defence Agency, this analysis focuses on the difference between public and private defence firms’ governance settings as the crucial explanatory variable accounting for diverging member states’ preferences in this domain.     

‘Old’ un peacekeeping principles and ‘new’ conflicts: Some ideas to reduce the troubles of post‐cold war peace missions

The European Union (EU) has declared its European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) operational. It has put the institutional structures in place to manage the political aspects of security and defence policy and the member-states have pledged a range of military capabilities, which the EU may call upon. However there are significant issues that need to be resolved for the ESDP to be a truly effective and credible policy. On the whole, these issues revolve around military capabilities, defence spending and a strategic concept. Without investing in critical military capabilities and without a clear direction, ESDP will become a policy without substance.     

美国军事介入钓鱼岛将面临两难困境

2010年9月"钓鱼岛海域撞船事件"导致中日关系严重恶化,一度紧张.美国一面表示希望中日通过对话解决撞船事件;一面向日方承诺钓鱼岛适用于<美日安全条约>,在军事上加强美日合作.2010年末,日本制定新的防卫计划大纲,把防卫重点转向包括钓鱼岛的西南诸岛,并企图进一步借助美国牵制中国.综合各方因素看,未来如果美国在军事上卷入钓鱼岛争议,必将使美国面临两难的战略选择.     

The European Union's human security discourse: where are we now?

The language of human security has been prominent in the European Union's (EU) official discourse for a number of years. However, whilst it has been promoted as a new approach for the EU in the development of its security and defence policy, the aim of this article is to assess the extent to which it actually features in the EU's contemporary strategic discourse and practice. It seeks to uncover where and how the concept is spoken within the EU's institutional milieu, how it is understood by the relevant policy-makers in the EU and the implication of this across key areas of human security practice. It is argued in the article that human security has not been embedded as the driving strategic concept for Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) in an era of crisis and change in Europe and beyond and that the prospects for this materialising in the near future are rather thin.     

European Union Armaments Policy: Options for Small States?

Abstract

This article addresses the question of small states and their future role in any EU armaments policy. It argues that their traditional tactics of demanding equality of membership in armaments organisations, using protectionist tactics to preserve the indigenous defence industry and using their home markets as a method of gaining advantages for their firms, are increasingly failing at the EU level. A combination of their own choices on defence spending, the agreement to allow permanent structured cooperation within the European Defence Agency and the Commission's efforts to liberalise the defence procurement market seem likely to force most small states into the backseat of EU armaments policy-making.     

Taking production relations seriously: the role of defence firms in armaments cooperation

ABSTRACT

Coordinating defence-industrial relations towards harmonising and facilitating procurement policies, production processes and the joint operability of their member-states’ national defence sectors, International Armaments Organisations (IAOs) play an important role in armaments cooperation. How can we explain their institutional development? Existing literature tackles this question using International Relations theories to mid-range theories of institutions and integration. However, they adopt overly state-centric viewpoints, assume actor interests as given, and disregard the changes in the global economic landscape that constitute the backdrop of armaments cooperation. In response, we shift the focus onto a key group of actors: the defence firms. Using a Neo-Gramscian Historical Materialist approach, we investigate how the globalisation of the defence market has created a transnational defence-industrial class in Europe, and demonstrate how its economic interests have fundamentally shaped the institutional frameworks of European IAOs. We focus on the Organisation for Joint Armaments Cooperation (OCCAR) and the European Defence Agency (EDA) to illustrate our argument. Our conclusions have implications for the study of armaments cooperation, particularly highlighting how the economic nature of this policy domain necessitates a closer look at the global and regional production relations, and the agency of the defence firms.