试析俄远东地区与中国经济合作的制约因素

俄罗斯远东地区与中国东北地区相邻，并且与中国在资源、能源、劳动力和资金合作等方面存在着优势互补性。加强中俄两国在俄远东地区的经济合作是符合两国的根本利益和战略利益的。与两国中央政府关系相比，俄罗斯远东地区同我国的关系相对滞后，存在着许多制约因素。深入分析这些因素，对探索消除合作障碍、推动两国关系发展具有重要意义。     

中国与俄远东地区贸易的现状、发展趋势与对策

远东地处俄罗斯东部边陲,与中国东北紧密相连,中俄两国的经贸合作和交往大部分是在这两个地区之间进行的。目前俄罗斯积极发展东部经济和中国振兴东北老工业基地战略决策的实施,为两国经贸关系的发展提供了良好的机遇。俄罗斯远东地区与中国的贸易发展态势良好,两个毗邻地区贸易升级的步伐加快。     

以"支点城市"为载体的中俄地方合作新模式:理论与实践

地方合作是新时代全面深化中俄两国战略协作伙伴关系发展的基石,"支点城市"则是两国地方合作在空间上深度对接的枢纽.在地方合作的框架下,基于"支点城市"的理论和实践,培育以"支点城市"为载体的中俄地方合作新模式,对于推动两国欠发达地区合作,促进两国地区经济均衡发展具有深远的意义.而俄罗斯"向东看"与中国全面振兴东北老工业基地两个国家级战略高度相关.俄远东滨海边疆区符拉迪沃斯托克市作为俄联邦政府"向东看"的重要"支点城市",可以作为新时代中俄地方合作的"风向标".     

我国东北与俄远东及西伯利亚地区从贸易互补向战略合作转型的必然趋势

2007年8月20日，中俄两国几乎同时正式推出了东部地区发展战略，把加强和扩大两个相邻地区，即中国东北和俄远东及西伯利亚的经济合作与交流提高到了战略高度，这标志着两地的经济合作进入一个新的阶段。为了推动我国东北与远东及西伯利亚地区经济合作与交流向更广、更深的方向发展，必须改变传统的以货物贸易为主的合作模式，实现从贸易互补向战略合作的转型。     

中俄区域经济合作路径探析

中俄区域经济合作始终是两国政府、学术界和实业界关注的热点问题之一。虽然近几年中俄区域经济合作得到较快发展,但总体上滞后于经济全球化和区域经济一体化的发展趋势,特别是与两国经济实力和发展潜力不相称。因此,如何继续推进和深化中俄区域经济合作,现已成为两国政府面临的共同任务。随着中国西部大开发、东北老工业基地的振兴和俄罗斯西伯利亚与远东开发战略的实施,中俄区域经济合作迎来了一个新的战略发展时期。     

中俄两国边境区域合作开发战略对接论证

中俄两国领导人面向未来已经达成边境区域合作开发共识,决定实现跨国战略对接,推动中国东北地区与俄罗斯远东及东西伯利亚地区之间合作关系,胡锦涛主席与梅德韦杰夫总统在2009年9月会晤中确认了这一重大战略导向,并以习近平副主席2010年3月访俄为标志进入了《合作规划纲要》的实施阶段。为此,必须明确认定中国东北地区与俄罗斯远东及东西伯利亚地区间实现跨国战略对接的现实价值,注重发挥跨国战略对接的综合优势,认真评估跨国战略对接的制约因素,进而正确做出跨国战略对接的对策创意。具体地说,中俄两国只有合作加快边境区域基础设施建设,努力扩大两国之间的相互投资力度,协调实现贸易规范化和科技产业化,通过优化人才储备来发挥市场优势,注重加强各种形式的人文情感交流,特别是中国应当下工夫创建进入俄罗斯市场的知名品牌,才能推进中国东北地区与俄罗斯远东及东西伯利亚地区间实现跨国战略对接,才能创建中俄两国边境区域经济合作开发振兴带,为东北亚区域合作开发提供一个跨国战略对接范例。     

中俄边境地区铁路合作与东北亚区域经济发展

中俄边境铁路在中俄两国的经济贸易发展中发挥着至关重要的作用。近年来,中俄两国在边境铁路建设方面成绩显著,双方铁路运输领域的合作也为两国经济贸易的发展做出了突出贡献,铁路口岸运量持续大幅度增长,在促进中国东北及俄罗斯远东地区经济发展的同时,也对东北亚区域一体化进程起了积极的推动作用,促进了东北亚地区整体经济的发展。建立以中俄边境铁路为中心的东北亚铁路交通合作体制,是东北亚区域经济发展的必然要求,这必将有助于打破区域交通运输体系中存在的“瓶颈”,从而推动东北亚国家和地区的共同繁荣。     

俄罗斯远东区域开发中的中国移民问题探讨

从普京到梅德韦杰夫,已经把俄罗斯远东及东西伯利亚地区开发提上国家议事日程,并使之与中国东北老工业基地振兴衔接起来,以求实现中俄两国边境区域合作开发的战略对接。而在这一过程中,即使在两国边境区域合作规划纲要着手实施、远东及东西伯利亚地区人力资源严重短缺的情况下,在俄罗斯仍然存在着所谓"中国威胁论"的虚构性喧嚣,致使中国移民问题一直没有得到合理解决。因此,有必要透析俄罗斯远东地区由移民问题而引发的"中国威胁论"背景因素,认定中国移民对俄罗斯远东及东西伯利亚地区开发的重要价值,做出解决中国移民问题的现实对策,只有这样努力实施下去,才能在俄罗斯远东及东西伯利亚地区开发进程中发挥"中国因素"的积极作用。     

中国东北地区与俄罗斯远东地区经济合作发展研究

俄罗斯远东地区与中国东北地区存在地缘优势,经济结构上互补.在中俄双方的宏观经济调控政策指引下,中俄贸易额在2004年实现了200亿美元的历史性突破.要大幅度提高中俄两国的经济合作水平,实现战略性升级,应将发展中国与俄罗斯的区域经贸合作作为突破口,开展科技、能源、能源加工、农业、加工、医药卫生等多元化的合作.     

中巴经济走廊背景下中巴文化产业合作:现状、路径选择与对策

"一带一路"倡议下的文化产业合作能够优化产业结构,转变经济增长方式,促进经济社会发展。中巴经济走廊为中巴文化产业合作,乃至为中国文化产业"走出去"参与国际合作开辟了新通道。本文旨在分析中巴两国文化产业的文化资源禀赋差异,结合经济走廊区域内文化产业发展的基础和文化特色,通过"企业,政府和社会"三层联动合作机制,探索中巴经济走廊建设中的中巴文化产业合作路径及两国文化产业合作模式。在文明互鉴的基础上,坚持文化认同与文化创新,促进中巴文化产业合作,推动两国"民心相通",深化中国与南亚区域的"一带一路"全方位合作,带动区域经济发展。     

Inter-Korean relations and the roles of the US and of the EU

The North Korean nuclear standoff has escalated since North Korea let slip that it was developing nuclear weapons while James Kelly, U.S. Assistant Secretary of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, was visiting Pyongyang in October 2002. The Bush administration has acknowledged that the United States will not discount a preemptive military strike on the suspected nuclear development facilities, and North Korea has stood firm against any pressure to halt its nuclear development from the international community. Dialogue and meetings for international cooperation among the major countries concerned, including Korea, the U.S., Japan and China, have been activated to resolve the nuclear crisis in the Korean Peninsula, especially after the U.S. pronounced an end to its war against Iraq in early May of this year. In the middle of the rapidly changing situation on the Korean peninsula, the inter-Korean reconciliation and cooperation initiated by the Sunshine Policy of the Kim Dae Jung administration and followed by the Roh Moo-hyun administrations Policy of Peace and Prosperity are not separable from the nuclear situation. This paper follows recent developments of inter-Korean relations, illustrates South Koreas stance on the issue and suggests the EUs role on the nuclear issue. This is a revised version of the paper presented at the Asia-EU Journalists Seminar organized by the Asia Europe Foundation and the Korea Press Foundation (KPF), held in Brussels, Belgium, May 22 2003. Financial support from the KPF is gratefully acknowledged.     

海陆复合型地缘政治大国的战略选择与崛起成败

国际体系是一个复杂的利益交互系统,在系统中存在着众多战略层面的施动—反馈模式。地缘政治大国的安全战略选择决定了它与体系其他主要成员间的互动方式,互动方式决定了其可能面临的结构性压力,并最终影响到大国崛起的兴衰成败。通过本项研究可以发现:海陆复合型崛起大国的战略模式可以分为"区域陆权"战略、"全球海权"战略和"区域/全球海陆并举"战略。如果崛起大国尚未形成稳固的陆基周边环境,那么追求"区域陆权"战略是最优选择;如果拥有稳固陆基周边环境,那么追求"全球海权"战略是最优选择。而"海陆并举"战略因"同色竞争"原理,既可能同周边国家陷入"区域陆权"优势的安全困境,也可能同"全球海权"国家陷入争霸战争。因此,"海陆并举"战略往往容易造就一个反对自身崛起的海陆权力联姻。此外,追求单一的"差色互补"原理容易实现海陆功能分异背景下的战略结盟,进而影响大国崛起战略的操作实施。     

The EU and Libya and the Art of the Possible

In spite of geographic proximity and a number of shared interests, the European Union and Libya have a history of strained relations. The war of 2011 provided an opportunity for a fresh start, but so far neither side has been able to reap benefits from an entirely new political situation. Instead, Libya’s difficult internal situation has not only slowed down the process of rapprochement, but also increased EU concern. At a time when cooperation becomes a necessity rather than a choice, Libya is now down-spiralling into implosion at the levels of security, bureaucracy and economy, to the point where it cannot absorb the offers being made.     

从斯大林功过看苏联兴亡——评《苏联兴亡史论》

一　对斯大林功过的评价要与时俱进要考察苏联兴亡的历史进程、总结苏联兴亡的历史经验 ,首先就要探究从列宁到戈尔巴乔夫苏联历届党政首脑的理论、路线、体制和实践的演变问题 ,尤其是涉及对斯大林功过的评价问题。因为斯大林执政时间最长 ,而且苏联的社会主义制度主要是在斯大林执政的 3 0年间( 1 92 3～ 1 95 3年 )建成并且得到巩固的 ,随后 3 0多年苏联斯大林模式没有发生什么大变化。如果我们肯定斯大林是“功大于过”,那么就要肯定苏联的社会主义模式基本上是成功的、优秀的 ,尽管难免还有一些弊端 ,那只要经过小修小补就能更加显示优…     

Campaign Advertising and the Stimulation and Activation of the Authoritarian Personality

This research examines whether authoritarianism can be stimulated and activated by politicians. The traditional belief is that psychological traits are basically quasipermanent structures that consistently determine behavior, but newer research suggests that these traits can be stimulated. This research tests whether campaigns can stimulate traits with targeted messages. I do so by exposing subjects in an experiment to political television advertising that was designed to stimulate known correlates of authoritarianism, such as fear. The results show that authoritarianism is stimulated in treatment groups that watched advertising designed to invoke threat and the strong-father metaphor and the treatment effect is greater on conservatives. I also show that watching these commercials leads to an activation of authoritarianism that influences its predictive power over support for torture. This suggests that politicians can use emotional appeals to stimulate advantageous personality traits, and that these ads also influence the public's attitudes through activation.     

美洲国家首脑会议与美洲自由贸易区的前景

自1994年至今共举行了4届美洲国家首脑会议,每届会议均与美国所倡议的美洲自由贸易区有密切关系。2005年11月在阿根廷举行的第四届首脑会议上,美洲国家围绕着是否重启美洲自由贸易区谈判问题产生分歧。一些拉美国家对在香港举行的WTO第六次部长级会议的成果不甚满意。美洲自由贸易区的前景不容乐观。     

China and the WTO: the theory and practice of compliance

Since China joined the World Trade Organization (WTO) in December2001, attention has turned to the issue of whether or not Chinais a responsible member of the organization and how compliantChina is with WTO rules. This article discusses the difficultiesfaced by China, as a responsible rising power, in trying toadjust itself to global trading norms. It examines the theoryof compliance in international relations from the perspectivesof neo-realism, liberal institutionalism and social constructivism,and then tests these perspectives by examining the mechanismsused to gauge China's compliance, both bilaterally by the UnitedStates and multilaterally through the Dispute Settlement Mechanismand the Transition Review Mechanism of the WTO. The result ismixed: different opinions exist as to how compliant China hasbeen but, on the whole, most monitors agree that China has triedhard to comply with WTO requirements in various areas, thoughmuch remains to be done. The most severe tests will come inthe next few years when China's financial and service sectorswill have to face fundamental changes to the way they operate.     

Globalization and the Reform of the International Financial and Monetary Systems

The outbreak of the global financial cdsis has called into question U.S.-style ＂financial capitalism.＂ Protectionism, currency multilateralism, decentralization of financial decision-making power and the nationalism of resources are gaining ground. The emerging economies are on the rise. The world power order is becoming multi-polar. Relations between countries are growing more diverse. The global governance model is undergoing fundamental changes. Global governance mechanisms, which are more representative and reflective of the diverse interests （such as the G20 and the UN climate change conference）, along with a reform of the international monetary system, will also help shape the future world order.     

离岸市场的发展与人民币国际化的推进

人民币国际化自2009年正式启动以来,在跨境贸易结算等领域取得了很大进展,人民币离岸市场的建设也取得了一定成绩,但目前来看并没有充分发挥预期中的功能,这也引发了各界对人民币国际化模式的进一步讨论。原则上,由于我国资本项目尚未完全开放,离岸市场有助于克服人民币自由流动受限这一障碍。历史经验也表明,在一定条件下离岸市场能够有效地推进货币国际化。人民币国际化应当遵循贸易结算、离岸市场、资本输出、跨国企业四者并举的"中国模式",其中未来的离岸市场发展需要相应的条件和配套准备才能真正为人民币国际化提供引擎。     

Uneven and combined confusion: on the geopolitical origins of capitalism and the rise of the west

This article offers a critique of Alexander Anievas and Kerem Ni?ancio?lu’s How the West came to rule: the geopolitical origins of capitalism. We argue that while all historiography features a number of silences, shortcomings or omissions, the omissions in How the West came to rule lead to a mistaken view of the emergence of capitalism. There are two main issues to be confronted. First, we argue that Anievas and Ni?ancio?lu have an inadequate and misleading understanding of “capital” and “capitalism” that tilts them towards a theoretical stance that comes very close to arguing that everything caused capitalism while at the same time having no clear and convincing definition of “capital” or “capitalism”. Second, there are at least three omissions—particular to England/Britain within a geopolitical context—that should be discussed in any attempt to explain the development of capitalism: the financial revolution and the Bank of England; the transition to coal energy; and the capitalization of state power as it relates to war, colonialism and slavery. We conclude by calling for a connected-histories approach within the framework of capital as power.