苏丹分裂的原因与南苏丹独立面临的问题

苏丹问题在非洲具有典型性：种族与民族矛盾交织；宗教与文化冲突汇合；资源争夺与地缘冲突并存。半个多世纪的独立未能解决苏丹的国家认同问题。苏丹分裂打破了非洲统一组织关于殖民遗留边界不可改变的原则，为打开中东与非洲民族和地区分离大门提供了范例。南北分治规定时间已到，双方分家争议问题仍未解决，阿卜耶伊归属问题前途未卜，留下定时炸弹。南苏丹自身面临许多棘手问题，建设新国家的道路还有许多变数。     

阿布耶伊归属问题探微

2011年7月9日,南苏丹共和国正式宣告成立,成为世界上最为年轻的国家。虽然南北苏丹顺利地实现了分离,但双方依旧有许多遗留问题尚待解决。其中争议最大的当属双方交界地带的阿布耶伊(Abyei)归属问题。随着2013年5月联合国驻阿布耶伊安全部队任期结束的临近,阿布耶伊问题又将成为苏丹同南苏丹之间争夺的焦点。石油资源含量巨大阿布耶伊地区横跨在南北苏丹分界线的中段,位于北方的科尔多凡省和南部的加扎勒河省之间。但是作为一个地理概念,阿布耶伊的边界一直     

苏丹内战中的宗教因素

苏丹内战是当今世界历时最长、产生原因最复杂、冲突解决最棘手的内战之一。导致苏丹内战爆发和持续的因素主要有宗教问题、种族问题、认同问题、殖民遗留问题、国家权力分配问题、环境资源问题及外部影响问题等 ,但宗教问题是最关键的因素。北方伊斯兰教和南方基督教的冲突对内战的爆发、进程及未来走向都有根本性的影响。因此可以说 ,苏丹内战就是宗教冲突激化和延续的结果与表现。两种宗教固有的不同政治观是导致南北冲突的本质原因 ,也决定了冲突的解决必然是困难重重。尽管苏丹内战可望结束 ,但无宗教间的真正平等与友好就不会有苏丹的真正和平与统一。     

南北苏丹关系现状分析

2012年初,南北苏丹发生"断油"事件,使得双方关系紧张加剧,最终酿成军事冲突。从经济角度看,冲突的结果只能是两败俱伤,双方不得不回到谈判桌。9月底,两国总统终于在各方催促下达成协议,恢复彼此石油联系,但边界争议等敏感问题仍未能解决。从目前看,南北双方既有较强的政治互斥性,又有较强的经济联系性,形成"斥而难舍"的状态,未来发展仍存在诸多变数。中国在"断油"事件期间承受了一定的风险和损失,在如今南北苏丹关系暂缓的有利时机下,中国应抓住发展机遇,有效应对挑战,从地区战略角度采取积极性政策,确保中国利益长期稳定发展。     

苏丹达尔富尔问题与中国的作用

始自2003年初的苏丹达尔富尔问题近年来迅速上升为新的国际热点问题,且由于中国和苏丹有传统友好而密切的政治、经济关系,达尔富尔问题也成为国际上一些组织和个人用来攻击中国的一个"借口",而"沾染"上"中国因素"的达尔富尔问题反过来又进一步高调占据国际媒体。达尔富尔问题的根源是生态恶化导致该地区部落间的利益冲突。达尔富尔问题从苏丹内部一个地区的生态战争"升级"为一个高度国际化和政治化的政治与外交战争,主要源于该地区局势趋于恶化、卢旺达种族大屠杀十年祭活动的警示作用,以及美国政府的高调介入。而后者是最主要因素。中国主张用对话和谈判、发展与合作的方式解决达尔富尔冲突。目前达尔富尔问题的政治解决已取得实质性进展。事实再次证明,中国发挥的建设性作用是至关重要和有效的。     

种族认同,还是资源争夺--苏丹达尔富尔地区冲突根源探析

苏丹西部达尔富尔地区的暴力冲突并非始自2003年初,早在20世纪80年代该地区就出现了大规模武装冲突。由“萨赫勒”干旱引起的苏丹北部阿拉伯游牧民南下抢夺中部富尔人等非阿拉伯定居农民的土地是导致冲突的根源,而种族因素则既是前期冲突的结果,又是近期冲突的原因。靠武力并不能解决这场危机,结束冲突的正确途径应是承认冲突的环境和生态根源,合理分享这一生态脆弱地区的资源,恢复本地区的经济和社会结构,重新开始冲突双方的传统合作,并开创经济和社会发展的新前景。     

苏丹和谈大事记

自2 0 0 2年以来,苏丹政府和反政府武装加朗集团已进行7轮谈判。其具体是:2 0 0 2年6月中　苏丹冲突双方在肯尼亚首都内罗毕首开政治和解谈判。7月2 0日签署了《和平框架协议》。8月1 2日　苏丹第二轮和谈在内罗毕举行。9月初加朗集团的武装力量在苏丹南部东赤道州向政府军驻地托里特发动进攻并占领该城,巴希尔总统下令收复失地、中止谈判。和谈陷入停顿。1 0月1 4日,苏丹冲突双方重开和谈,并在1 5日达成停火协议,规定双方在2 0 0 2年底以前停止一切敌对活动。此次谈判中,双方在权力分配等问题上达成某些一致,但在细节上仍有较大分歧。1 1月…     

南苏丹冲突的内部根源

本文探讨了南苏丹冲突的内部原因，认为“苏丹人民解放／军队”的分裂、基尔“大帐篷政策”的破产、各派对石油资源的争夺等导致了南苏丹危机的爆发。由于南苏丹政府和执政党内部缺乏和平化解分歧的有效机制，军事斗争成为解决政治纠纷的最终选项。本文还对有关南苏丹冲突的“部落战争论”提出了质疑，认为该论调无法解释南苏丹冲突的实质。     

黎以冲突与中东局势

黎以冲突已持续一个多月,双方都付出惨重的代价,但是没有赢家。由于引发冲突的深层原因并没有解决,特别是作为阿以冲突核心问题的巴勒斯坦问题尚未解决,以色列与黎巴嫩、巴勒斯坦等国的关系“摩擦与冲突是常态”,停火是脆弱的,冲突可能再次爆发。黎以冲突引发了多种矛盾,特别是刺激了伊斯兰激进势力的发展,使中东局势更加错综复杂。实力对比中的优势地位决定了以色列主导着阿以冲突的发展进程,因此以色列是解开中东乱局的关键因素。     

南苏丹现状研究:现代民族国家构建的视角

2011年南北苏丹分离以后,南苏丹开始了现代民族国家构建的进程。但是,部族冲突、反叛运动以及政治经济发展的停滞,反映了这一进程的诸多困境。南苏丹有沦为失败国家的危险。     

South Korea's Faustian Attitude: The Republic of Korea's Decision to Send Troops to Iraq Revisited

South Korea sent troops to Iraq not because of any perceived threat from an Iraqi nuclear programme, but to seek influence over American foreign policy towards North Korea. At no point did the general public support the American invasion and war in Iraq; most South Koreans also opposed sending troops to Iraq. However, the government chose to send first non-combat and later combat troops to Iraq, and the public approved of the former choice and support was growing for the latter. The liberal President Roh Moo-Hyun had to persuade the public on this issue, even in opposition to his core supporters, risking political isolation. What the public and the President aimed at was a peaceful resolution of the North Korean nuclear issue and business opportunities. The national interest that South Korea pursued in sending troops to Iraq was policy influence over the US guarantee not to use military power against North Korea.     

Older people and development: The last minority?

Ageing populations, already a well-established phenomenon in the countries of the North, are also a growing issue in the South. This demographic transition is, however, occurring in the South without the rising affluence which accompanied industrialisation in the North. This article examines a variety of dimensions of the problem in the South, including older people's socio-economic and health situations, and their roles in family and community. It questions whether changes in the status of older people are due to modernising forces, or to structural inequalities (differences in wealth and social position) which exist in all societies, but are particularly prevalent in the poorer countries of the South.     

Sino-U.S. Cooperation in North Korean Nuclear Issue

China and the United States have cooperated closely in resolving the second North Korean nuclear crisis.China and the United States have worked together with South Korea, Russia and Japan to prevent the North Korean nuclear issue from spiraling out of control, and they have also tried to make progress in the six-party talks. Despite differences over the issue, both sides are maintaining the momentum of cooperation with increasing mutual understanding and trust. The current U.S.-North Korea rapprochement has progressed quickly, adding a new factor in Sino-U.S. cooperation. Apart from bilateral contact with North Korea, the United States is insisting on a multilateral approach, continuing to persuade China to share responsibility for a nuclear-free Peninsula, and jointly advancing the process in the second phase set forth in the February 13 Agreement on Initial Actions. China's role,therefore, remains indispensable.     

越南国内关于西贡政权历史法理地位的争论

长期以来,越南各界一直将西贡政权视为伪政权或傀儡政权。越共十一大后,越南国内在该问题上的观点逐渐趋于多元化,新编《越南历史》出版后,该问题引发了越南各界的激烈争论,焦点主要在于越南民主共和国是否系全越南的唯一代表,“越南共和国”是否是合法的国家?该辩论标志着越南国内对于西贡政权原有的传统立场受到了挑战,而将西贡政权合法化的阶段性两个越南的观点在越南渐有市场。在越南国内对该问题的争论中,虽包含部分学者对历史事实的客观追求和对以往立场的反思,但总体而言,越南国内在该问题上的做法名为历史评价问题,实则指向南海争端,同时也与越南推行的民族和解政策有关。中国学界在研究认知西贡政权问题时必须摆脱中国思维束缚,超越单纯的意识形态因素,在越南政治文化的语境里从多个角度探寻越南行为的动因,然后再回归南海问题,方能提出较为符合实际的因应之策。     

中缅边界问题解决的历史过程(1954-1961)

1949年10月新中国成立时,中缅边界存在"三段未决的问题",分别是北段尖高山以北的未定界问题、中段猛卯三角地①的"永租"问题和南段"1941年线"问题。1954年至1961年,经过反复沟通和多次谈判,中缅两国最终和平解决了边界问题。根据其特点,中缅边界问题解决的历史过程可划分为提出问题、初步交换意见、直接谈判和签订条约4个阶段。     

朝韩经济合作现状与前景分析

随着朝韩政治关系的缓和 ,双方的经贸合作发展十分迅速。目前 ,双方间贸易形式有3种 ,即商业贸易、委托加工贸易和非交易型贸易。 2 0 0 2年朝韩间的贸易额达 6 4亿美元 ,占朝鲜对外贸易总额的 1/4以上 ,在朝鲜吸引的外资中韩国更是首屈一指 ,在朝鲜 4个经济开发区及特区中有 2个是由韩国单独投资建立的。但双方在经贸合作中也存在一些亟待解决的问题 ,如商品进出口结构不合理、进出口能力差距悬殊等。从长远看 ,双方在共同发展与共同繁荣的原则下 ,将会继续扩大经贸方面的合作。     

日朝关系与朝核问题

二战结束至今,日朝之间仍未建立外交关系,因此,两国又被称作“近而远的国家”。目前,战争赔偿问题、日本人绑架问题、导弹发射及出售问题已成为日朝恢复邦交关系的一些障碍因素。尤其是朝核问题成为今后相当长一段时期影响日朝关系的一个主要因素。     

Media,citizenship and the politics of belonging in contemporary South Africa

Abstract

Drawing on a wide range of theoretical and empirical studies, the articles in this special issue examine issues of citizenship and belonging in South Africa. Questions of belonging and citizenship are neither novel, nor particular to South Africa – they have been high on the intellectual (and popular) agenda internationally since at least the early 1990s. Yet South Africa's history of artificially separating and defining its citizens in the racial regimes of colonialism and apartheid still reverberates today, as is reflected in the continued inequalities marring South African society. Post-apartheid governance of redress still requires the use of apartheid categories of ‘race’, but the terms under which we understand what it means to be South African are much wider, and require continued critical reflection. Using South Africa (and not the global North, as is so often the case) as the focal point for rethinking notions of citizenship and belonging, may urge us to rethink these notions and their meanings within fledgling democracies and societies in transition.     

1999——依然难以平静的朝鲜半岛

朝鲜半岛形势在不断地走向缓和 ,但并不平静 ,迭起波澜。朝、韩经济在走向好转。朝、韩都在积极发展对外关系 ,韩国金大中政府已完成了四大国首脑外交 ,朝鲜在积极改善同四大国的关系。韩、韩之间也在稳步改善政治关系 ,发展经济关系。但朝、韩之间的对峙、敌视情绪仍然存在 ,不时出现各种争执、摩擦。朝鲜形势仍处于扑朔迷离、难以把握的状态 ,值得我们密切关注和深入研究。     

Crossing the river that divides the Korean Peninsula: an evaluation of the Sunshine Policy

This paper sheds light on aspects of functionalism and neo-functionalismin the Sunshine Policy and evaluates its contribution to inter-Koreanrelations through statistical analyses. On the whole, the policycould increase the trade volume and diversify trade structuresencompassing primary and secondary industries, as well as processing-on-commission-basedtrade in economic sectors. Our research results demonstratethat the policy has contributed to the progress of inter-Koreanrelations in socio-economic areas. Notwithstanding the increasingeconomic gap between the North and South, inter-Korean tradehas expanded in the context of the economic urgency of the Northand the mutual benefits of inter-Korean cooperation. In socialsectors, the Kim Dae Jung government in comparison to previousgovernments encouraged personal exchanges, and these personalcontacts should enhance mutual understanding between the Northand South Korean people. In political and military sectors,the Sunshine Policy has been less positive in the current militarybuild-up by both Koreas. Since the security issue of the twoKoreas is the most vital factor for survival, broad and long-termperspectives based on mutual reliance and trust are needed.