蒙古国的财产私有化

蒙古国市场化改革中的主要问题是所有制改革问题，而所有制改革的主要内容是财产私有化。蒙古国的财产私有化是通过公布私有化法律，并在政府、群众的监督下，对工业企业和商业实体的财产，以股份制的形式进行私有化的。其首先从农牧业开始实行，然后推广至其他部门。财产私有化的过程，对长期统治国家经济的单一公有制或国家垄断经济来说，是一场深刻的变革，具有积极的一面，但私有化过程中的失误，对蒙古国的经济发展也产生了一定的消极影响。     

转型国家私有化模式比较

本文在掌握各国私有化特点的基础上,对私有化的模式进行多层次的划分、比较和论述。在第一层次,按私有化手段划分为证券私有化(大众私有化)模式和货币私有化模式,按私有化进展划分为大规模私有化模式和个案私有化模式,按私有化方式划分为各种不同私有化模式,按私有化结果划分为内部人控制模式和外部人多数股权模式。在第二层次,把证券私有化在各国的采用情况分为三类:作为主要方式,采用而未作主要方式,根本没有采用;把证券私有化在各国的具体做法也分为三类:给企业职工优惠较大,给企业职工优惠较小而重视发挥投资基金的作用,介于前两者之间。货币私有化模式的难点是快速私有化与缺乏原始资本的矛盾,各国依据本国国情、针对这一矛盾而形成了不同的做法:优惠出售,国有股份抵押贷款和债转股,向外国人出售,典型货币私有化。这使不同国家私有化的不同结果得到了有说服力的解释。     

俄罗斯的公司治理结构

在经济体制转轨过程中,俄罗斯不仅对庞大的国有经济进行所有权私有化,而且还包括经营权私有化,所有权私有化体现在小私有化和分为三个阶段的大私有化上,经营权私有化体现在公司治理结构的建立上。也就是说,如何对已经私有化了的企业进行公司治理,便成了俄罗斯微观基础改革的主要任务。本文涉及的内容正是对这一问题的分析。     

论拉丁美洲职业培训体系的私有化进程北大核心CSSCI

20世纪80年代初,资本主义世界陷入经济危机,出现"技术性"失业增加与经济增长并行的情况。同时,拉美地区的就业结构呈第三产业化和非正规化趋势。20世纪90年代以来,跨国公司开始大规模进入拉美的职业培训市场,从而推动了拉美职业培训体系的私有化进程。在这一进程中,拉美国家采取了不同的职业培训私有化措施:巴西、阿根廷和一些中美洲国家在私有化初期实行职业培训的分权化改革;智利等国推行分权化和私有化并行的改革。拉美国家鼓励企业内部培训,允许企业参与制定职业培训政策、课程设置和教师培训;制定终身学习和培训政策,促进培训的私人化发展。在实施私有化改革后,拉美的职业培训体系呈现出培训资金多元化、职业培训高等教育化、培训与就业挂钩、培训体系形成新的多科或多价培训模式等主要特征。     

论拉丁美洲职业培训体系的私有化进程

20世纪80年代初,资本主义世界陷入经济危机,出现“技术性”失业增加与经济增长并行的情况.同时,拉美地区的就业结构呈第三产业化和非正规化趋势.20世纪90年代以来,跨国公司开始大规模进入拉美的职业培训市场,从而推动了拉美职业培训体系的私有化进程.在这一进程中,拉美国家采取了不同的职业培训私有化措施:巴西、阿根廷和一些中美洲国家在私有化初期实行职业培训的分权化改革；智利等国推行分权化和私有化并行的改革.拉美国家鼓励企业内部培训,允许企业参与制定职业培训政策、课程设置和教师培训；制定终身学习和培训政策,促进培训的私人化发展.在实施私有化改革后,拉美的职业培训体系呈现出培训资金多元化、职业培训高等教育化、培训与就业挂钩、培训体系形成新的多科或多价培训模式等主要特征.     

远东联邦区土地私有化的发展

在俄罗斯私有化改革已经进行了十多年,但土地私有化一直是非常复杂的问题之一,人们对土地私有化的看法不一。普京总统执政后,俄终于彻底解决了这个问题,土地可以自由买卖了。远东联邦区的土地私有化速度比其他地区慢一些,也遇到了一些问题。     

俄罗斯私有化——理想与现实的碰撞

上世纪90年代,俄罗斯为了改变经济停滞不前的现状,推行了大规模的私有化运动。然而,事与愿违,一方面,私有化导致出现的并不是改革者所设想的"外部人控股"而是"内部人控股"的企业治理结构;另一方面,私有化后,国有资产被少数金融寡头控制,导致普通民众产生了对私有化乃至整个经济转轨过程的抵触情绪,降低了人们对改革的认同度。各种利益集团都希望利用"私有化"提供的机会为自己多争得一份"苏联的遗产","私有化"一词在俄罗斯与"掠夺"和"盗窃"几乎成了同意词。因此,俄选择私有化进行经济转轨的现实与改革者的理想并不一致,它是一个由利益集团的相互冲突和妥协决定的动态过程。     

东欧国有企业私有化的社会经济效果及其启示--以捷克、波兰和匈牙利三国为考察的重点

本文以捷克、波兰与匈牙利三国为样本,通过对东欧国有企业私有化不同方式的考察,重点分析与评价了东欧国有企业私有化的社会经济效果,并从中得出了几点深刻的启示.     

西方国家国有企业私有化理论初探

西方国家自从产生国有企业以来 ,先后出现过数次私有化运动 ,尤其是近二十几年来的私有化运动更是出现了一些新的特点 ,对西方国家产生了深远的影响。本文对西方国家国有企业私有化的背景做了简要介绍 ,并对其基本理论及其主要方式加以探讨。     

俄罗斯“第二波”私有化及其对现代化战略的影响

俄罗斯近期加紧了针对国有部门的私有化。根据2011～2013年私有化计划,私有化的预计收入将达到600亿美元,涉及900多家不同的国有企业。俄罗斯石油公司、俄罗斯铁路公司、俄罗斯储蓄银行等十几家大型国有企业被列入私有化计划中。这是继1992年初俄罗斯实施全面大规模私有化之后的又一波私有化浪潮。私有化的目的是多方面的：增加财政收入、缓解自危机以来的财政短缺;提高企业的经济效率及经济竞争力;通过出售国有资产吸引外国投资以补充经济现代化战略所需的资金等。     

Peace-building and business elites in Guatemala and El Salvador: explaining the discursive ‘institutional turn’

ABSTRACT

The local business elites of El Salvador were generally in favour of the peace agreement and supported its negotiation and implementation in 1992, while in Guatemala the private sector reluctantly supported the peace process and, after the peace agreements were signed in 1996, the private sector sought to obstruct parts of its implementation. In the aftermath of the peace accords, business elites united around an ideology espousing a minimal state and a focus on market solutions to social problems. Although welcoming the security-related measures in the peace accords, business elites have often obstructed transformations towards more inclusive and democratic societies. However, in recent years there has been a change in discourse among influential business associations towards recognition of the need for strong state institutions and the need for institutionalised mechanisms for dialogue to find solutions to social problems. In this article, we seek to shed light on the significance of this discursive turn for continued peace-building.     

试析缅甸新商业精英阶层的崛起

1988年以来,随着缅甸新军人政权上台,大部分少数民族武装基本实现停火,新的市场经济导向政策的实施,一个新的社会阶层——商业精英开始形成。精英集团是在特殊时期形成的政治资源与商业资源的结合体,反映了缅甸经济获得一定程度的发展,但它在各个经济领域的垄断排挤了中小民营企业的空间,对缅甸现代化进程造成了不利的影响。     

India Inc. and globalization: The rise of neo-liberalism and a transnational managerial elite?

ABSTRACT

In our paper, we present an empirical study that tests claims regarding the purported impact of economic globalization on business elites, namely that elites become increasingly transnational in their careers and life style and neo-liberal in their action orientations. We draw upon the results of a study that (a) tapped life course data for 100 current top managers in India and (b) implemented a collective mindset analysis using in-depth interviews that were conducted in India with retired and serving senior business managers. Our findings indicate that endogenous institutions have an important and enduring role to play in the shaping of careers, as well as generating embedded cognitive frameworks. Drawing from this exploratory study, we propose a set of hypotheses and a research agenda to argue that socio-cultural mechanisms of selection and socialization must be taken into account in discussions regarding the emergence of a global corporate elite.     

State formation and economic development in post-war Somaliland: the impact of the private sector in an unrecognised state

ABSTRACT

Unrecognised internationally, Somaliland operates as a hybrid political order where a range of state and non-state entities provide security, representation and social services. Local business elites have impacted state formation after war by lobbying against a range of regulations, providing the government with loans and contributions rather than paying sufficient taxes, and by hindering the development of sound financial institutions. The success of such activities has led to de facto protectionism, where foreign ventures have had limited access to the Somaliland market. While such protectionism may have negatively impacted economic development and growth opportunities, recent engagements by multinational corporations in the Berbera port suggest that foreign private investments risk sparking violent conflict. In contrast, domestic businessmen have played a role in preventing or resolving violent conflict at crucial stages in Somaliland’s recent history. Based on fieldwork in Somaliland, we argue that the impact of international corporate actors in post-war contexts needs to be understood in light of local culture and power dynamics, in which the political and economic roles of local business elites are central.     

The European Union in the eyes of India

The multifaceted engagement between India and the European Union (EU) has grown exponentially in recent years, leading to a strategic partnership, which is one of the three that the EU has in Asia. Based on a content analysis of three prominent Indian newspapers, which were monitored on a daily basis for a period of 6 months (1 July–31 December 2009), and interviews conducted with political, business, media, and civil society “elites,” this article seeks to analyze and assess the perceptions of the EU in India.     

Contextualising and theorising economic development,local business and ethnic cleansing in Myanmar

ABSTRACT

After Myanmar ended military rule in 2011, significant foreign investment arrived to facilitate a profitable transition to an integrated regional economy, and under the promise that foreign actors can help facilitate peaceful long-term development. However, these firms have also tacitly supported an ethnic cleansing committed by the government that most have partnered with or funded. This article builds theory on economic opening, development and conflict, using research from Myanmar to forward three arguments about business actions in fragile, at-risk countries. First, international-led regulatory reform has had little impact on endemic corruption at the micro- or meso-levels, as local elites and international businesses remain the primary beneficiaries. Second, ‘development’ is a contentious topic, defined locally not as broad societal growth but the unjustified picking of winners and losers in society by foreign entities. Third, business ventures are exacerbating ethnic tensions through a liberal peace-building mentality that is unresponsive to either local conflicts or local communities. The article closes by offering three ways that these findings open future research avenues on business engagement as peace-builders and development agents in developing yet fragile states.     

A theory of democratisation through peace-building

Abstract

This contribution presents a theory of democratisation through peace-building. Peace-building is seen as an interactive process between external peace-builders and domestic elites; whether a post-war state develops into a democracy or not depends to a large extent on the outcome of the bargaining process between domestic elites and peace-builders. It is argued that domestic elites typically face many constraints which make adopting democratic reforms a risky and costly proposition. Also, peace-builders usually have much less leverage over domestic elites than one would expect given their resources and man-power. High adoption costs and low leverage explain the outcome of the interaction between peace-builders and domestic elites often results in a peace which is not democratic. The paper uses an analysis of 19 major peace-building missions for exemplifying the theory.     

Who matters for memory: Sources of institutional memory in international organization crisis management

Scholarship on organizational learning has explored how international organizations (IOs) reform but has paid little attention to the origins of institutional memory. For IOs engaged in crisis management operations, acquiring knowledge about strategic errors is necessary for adopting reforms that could save lives. This study seeks to identify the sources that affect whether or not IO elites will contribute knowledge to an IO’s institutional memory in crisis management. The study employs a survey experiment in the field on 120 NATO elites who decide on and plan operations. Findings indicate that when the United States introduces knowledge of a strategic error, NATO elites are significantly less likely to share it. This deterrent effect on knowledge-sharing illustrates an unexpected way in which the US influences international crisis management. The study also finds that an IO’s secretariat can somewhat increase elites’ likelihood of contributing to the IO’s institutional memory.     

Public Goods,Club Goods,and Private Interests:

Abstract

This paper sheds light on the question of how domestic elite preferences drive states’ foreign policies by studying British efforts to suppress maritime piracy in the South China Sea in the 1920s and 1930s. The archival record shows that the British conducted military interventions, which included destroying entire Chinese villages, principally to serve the private aims of London business elites. Absent these parochial interests Britain ignored pirate attacks, including attacks on British-flagged ships. This finding challenges the standard structural explanation, put forward by global public goods scholars, that powerful maritime states suppress piracy to protect universal access to the global maritime commons. It does so through a detailed examination of the principal example cited by this argument’s supporters: historical British counter-piracy efforts. Understanding why states pursue their foreign policies also provides a greater understanding of why powerful states choose to serve as global public goods providers in some instances but not in others.     

Who negotiates for a nation? Catalan mobilization and nationhood before the Spanish democratic transition, 1970–1975

Much of the literature on democratic transitions and ethnic conflict focuses on the role of elites, whether as constructive contributors to ethnic harmony and pacted transitions, or as fomenters of disharmony. What these accounts often fail to take into account is the extent to which the existence of political elites is a variable in itself, particularly when their power bases are not organizations like an army but rather nations or classes. The article develops an analysis of how competition for scarce militants and the demands of organizing them shapes the power and importance of elites. It does this through a case study of Catalonia in the years preceding the Spanish transition. During those years Catalonia, both a stateless nation and a potentially divided society, was the site of organizing from the left and right that nearly monopolized militants and channelled their activity into autonomist, inclusive forms of nationalist mobilization that stifled attempts at internal polarization while creating elites who could negotiate on Catalonia's behalf in the transition. In other words, the ability of moderate Catalan nationalists to organize before the transition explains their ability to represent Catalonia and control its fissures later, and contributes to explaining the success of Catalonia as a case of peaceful multinational coexistence.