2009年中亚国家经济形势与对华关系

国际金融危机给中国和中亚各国经济以及中国与中亚的贸易造成沉重打击。2009年中国经济率先企稳回升,给中亚各国吸引外资缓解本国日益严峻的金融形势创造了有利的条件,促进了中国与中亚各国在经济、政治、安全、人文等各方面的快速发展。由于中亚地缘政治、经济地位的特殊性,使之日益成为大国博弈的焦点,中国和中亚各国的合作不可避免招致美俄等国的猜疑和忧心,从而给双边关系的发展带来挑战。不过,中国和中亚各国合作是建立在"政治互信、经济互助、资源互补"基础之上的双边关系,未来合作的机遇仍然会大于挑战。     

试论全方位发展的中国与中亚国家关系

追求一个稳定、发展、繁荣的中亚是中国与中亚国家的共同目标.近年来随着国际形势的变化,中国与中亚各国的共同利益和合作的切合点逐渐凸现,双方睦邻友好关系正面临着全面升级的重要发展机遇.     

中国与中亚区域经济合作的前景分析

中亚国家紧邻我国新疆,在经济上与我国有较强的互补性,在基础设施等方面已具备一定的条件。双方在贸易、投资及旅游等方面具有广阔的合作前景,需要寻求各种可能的合作途经。加强中国与中亚各国的区域经济合作,不仅可以形成我国经济发展的巨大资源和广阔的新兴市场,还可以促进中亚地区的经济繁荣,成为"南南"合作的一个亮点。     

中国与中亚五国的高层往来

中亚5国于1991年8—12月相继独立,1992年1月2、3、4、5、6日,中国与乌、哈、塔、吉和土先后建立了大使级外交关系,成为世界上最早承认中亚各国主权的国家之一,双边关系也随之翻开了崭新的一页。 中国与中亚5国建交5年多来,双方在政治、经济、文化等领域的关系迅速发展,国家、政府、议会等高层领导人之间互访频繁,对建立与发展它们之间的平等互利睦邻友好关系的重要     

当前中亚地区安全面临的新挑战——关于中国与中亚国家发展安全合作的思考

随着全球化进程的不均衡发展,社会、经济等因素长期孕育的极端情绪释放,激化成新形式的暴力对中亚各国及中国西北部的社会稳定与安全带来严重威胁。中亚各国安全面临的共同性问题以及与中国西部安全的密切联系,把中国西部安全同中亚各国政治安全、社会稳定的目标与维护地区稳定的总体目标有机结合在一起,使中国与中亚各国执法的国际合作都属于最积极、最活跃的领域,有必要具体探讨和实践的进一步深入,比如:禁毒合作、网络安全、联合救灾、金融合作等。阿富汗安全形势的不确定性对中国与中亚各国在加强政策沟通,协调经济援助、巩固共同边防等领域的合作,也都具有现实意义。     

阿富汗与美国"大中亚计划"评析

美国提出的"大中亚计划",是要以阿富汗为中心,整合中亚与南亚,企图通过在安全、民主、经济、交通和能源等领域的合作,形成一个以美国为主导,以中亚五国和阿富汗为主要成员,有印度、巴基斯坦、土耳其等国参与的新的地区组合,以此削弱中国和俄罗斯在这一地区的影响力,谋求美国的霸权.但是,实施这一计划将存在诸多困难,不仅阿富汗难以承担重任,中亚国家整合度有限,印度、巴基斯坦、土耳其等国的合作同样非常有限,而且中、俄两国的态度也将大大削弱计划的有效展开.     

中亚形势和上海合作组织发展态势

中亚,作为中国的西部近邻,因其重要的战略地位、丰富的自然资源,一直是各国关注的焦点.冷战后,中亚各国历经社会转型,在取得进展之余,地区不稳定因素也频繁出现.未来中亚地区的发展依旧扑朔迷离.作为中亚地区的战略依托,上海合作组织在促进成员国互信、建立安全机制、加强经济人文交流、提升国际影响力方面成果显著.在未来的发展中,上海合作组织将继续坚持安全、务实的两大合作方针,凝聚共识,深化合作,以应对新的挑战.     

中国与中亚国家在上合组织框架内的互利合作步入新阶段

中国与中亚各国战略利益互补是其互利合作的基础,而上合组织又是合作的纽带。中国与中亚各国的合作同中亚与其他大国的合作并行不悖。同时,中国在同中亚各国进行合作时,应做好防范工作,建立配套的安全保障机制,尽量化解风险,减少不利因素给我国带来的损失。     

中国与中亚国家共建数字丝绸之路:基础、挑战与路径

中国与中亚国家共建数字丝绸之路对“一带一路”建设和提升中亚国家现代化发展水平意义重大。中亚国家数字经济发展潜力巨大,各国纷纷出台数字经济发展战略,电子商务发展方兴未艾,电子政务能力不断提升,但各国数字经济发展差距较大。中国与中亚国家共建数字丝绸之路有着良好的基础,双方已建立起较为稳定持久的互信关系,都提出了数字经济发展战略,已有多层次合作机制,中亚国家对双方合作的内在动力较强。但双方合作也面临不少挑战,中亚国家数字基础设施建设较为薄弱、数字人才紧缺,网络安全和地缘政治风险亦不断增加。中国和中亚国家可从数字基础设施建设、数字治理、电子商务、数字人才培养等路径入手展开合作,因国施策,共建数字丝绸之路。     

“一带一路”建设背景下中国与泰国金融合作的机遇与挑战

2013年9月和10月,中国国家主席习近平在出访中亚和东南亚国家期间,先后提出共建丝绸之路经济带和21世纪海上丝绸之路的重大倡议,得到国际社会高度关注。泰国作为"一带一路"合作倡议重要起点和连接中亚辐射非洲、欧洲的重要国家,在"一带一路"建设中将承担重要的桥梁和纽带作用。此前,中国与泰国已经建立了中国—东盟自由贸易区(CAFTA)、大湄公河次区域经济合作(GMS)机制,并取得了一些成果。但是两国在金融合作方面仍处于初级阶段,还存在一些制约双方金融合作的障碍。因此,要大力推进"一带一路"建设,更加密切中泰两国之间的经济往来,必须强化中泰金融合作与交流。     

Inter-Korean relations and the roles of the US and of the EU

The North Korean nuclear standoff has escalated since North Korea let slip that it was developing nuclear weapons while James Kelly, U.S. Assistant Secretary of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, was visiting Pyongyang in October 2002. The Bush administration has acknowledged that the United States will not discount a preemptive military strike on the suspected nuclear development facilities, and North Korea has stood firm against any pressure to halt its nuclear development from the international community. Dialogue and meetings for international cooperation among the major countries concerned, including Korea, the U.S., Japan and China, have been activated to resolve the nuclear crisis in the Korean Peninsula, especially after the U.S. pronounced an end to its war against Iraq in early May of this year. In the middle of the rapidly changing situation on the Korean peninsula, the inter-Korean reconciliation and cooperation initiated by the Sunshine Policy of the Kim Dae Jung administration and followed by the Roh Moo-hyun administrations Policy of Peace and Prosperity are not separable from the nuclear situation. This paper follows recent developments of inter-Korean relations, illustrates South Koreas stance on the issue and suggests the EUs role on the nuclear issue. This is a revised version of the paper presented at the Asia-EU Journalists Seminar organized by the Asia Europe Foundation and the Korea Press Foundation (KPF), held in Brussels, Belgium, May 22 2003. Financial support from the KPF is gratefully acknowledged.     

美苏政治文化差异与冷战起源

一国政治文化对国家对外决策有不可忽视的影响。美苏政治文化中相互冲突的部分对两国战后初期外交决策以及冷战爆发产生重要影响，国家间的政治文化沟通对处理国家间相互关系具有重要意义。     

Strengthen the Communication Among the Youth and Enhance the Mutual Understanding and Trust

AttheinvitationoftheInternationalInitiativesofChangeAssociationofJapanIICAJIaccompa-niedMr.LiYangCouncilMemberofChineseAs-sociationforInternationalUnderstandingCAFIUonthevisittoJapanfromJune10to18andat-tendedthe27thInternationalConferenceoftheInitiativeofChangeinOdawara.DuringourstaythereweseparatelymetwithTutomuHataAdvi-sortotheIICAJandformerPrimeMinisterofJapanSomaYukikaHonoraryPresidentofIICAJToruHashimotoPresidentofIICAJandAdvisortotheJapanMizuhoFinancialGroupandD…     

海陆复合型地缘政治大国的战略选择与崛起成败

国际体系是一个复杂的利益交互系统,在系统中存在着众多战略层面的施动—反馈模式。地缘政治大国的安全战略选择决定了它与体系其他主要成员间的互动方式,互动方式决定了其可能面临的结构性压力,并最终影响到大国崛起的兴衰成败。通过本项研究可以发现:海陆复合型崛起大国的战略模式可以分为"区域陆权"战略、"全球海权"战略和"区域/全球海陆并举"战略。如果崛起大国尚未形成稳固的陆基周边环境,那么追求"区域陆权"战略是最优选择;如果拥有稳固陆基周边环境,那么追求"全球海权"战略是最优选择。而"海陆并举"战略因"同色竞争"原理,既可能同周边国家陷入"区域陆权"优势的安全困境,也可能同"全球海权"国家陷入争霸战争。因此,"海陆并举"战略往往容易造就一个反对自身崛起的海陆权力联姻。此外,追求单一的"差色互补"原理容易实现海陆功能分异背景下的战略结盟,进而影响大国崛起战略的操作实施。     

The EU and Libya and the Art of the Possible

In spite of geographic proximity and a number of shared interests, the European Union and Libya have a history of strained relations. The war of 2011 provided an opportunity for a fresh start, but so far neither side has been able to reap benefits from an entirely new political situation. Instead, Libya’s difficult internal situation has not only slowed down the process of rapprochement, but also increased EU concern. At a time when cooperation becomes a necessity rather than a choice, Libya is now down-spiralling into implosion at the levels of security, bureaucracy and economy, to the point where it cannot absorb the offers being made.     

抗击经济衰退：象和龙

由美国引发的经济危机已经席卷全球,无论是西方发达国家和地区如日本、欧盟,还是发展中国家如印度、中国,都已笼罩在全球经济衰退的阴影中。本文探讨作为正在崛起的亚洲大国——印度和中国,应采取怎样的措施遏制全球经济危机对本国经济造成更严重的伤害,以及印中两国如何借鉴对方在应对经济危机过程中采取的有效政策以尽快重新走上经济发展的正轨。     

Caught between Europe and the orient: Israel and the EMP

As the case of Transnistria illustrates, the politico-economic arrangements of de facto states are marked by a tendency to sacrifice the economy to political objectives. Despite non-recognition and limited local resources, these entities manage to make use of their ambiguous status and external support to sustain their claims to statehood. Yet, the priority of these claims over economic development, as well as strategies of survival in general can have unintended effects on unrecognised state-building projects, such as the emergence of a spin-off opposition or public disillusionment.     

Campaign Advertising and the Stimulation and Activation of the Authoritarian Personality

This research examines whether authoritarianism can be stimulated and activated by politicians. The traditional belief is that psychological traits are basically quasipermanent structures that consistently determine behavior, but newer research suggests that these traits can be stimulated. This research tests whether campaigns can stimulate traits with targeted messages. I do so by exposing subjects in an experiment to political television advertising that was designed to stimulate known correlates of authoritarianism, such as fear. The results show that authoritarianism is stimulated in treatment groups that watched advertising designed to invoke threat and the strong-father metaphor and the treatment effect is greater on conservatives. I also show that watching these commercials leads to an activation of authoritarianism that influences its predictive power over support for torture. This suggests that politicians can use emotional appeals to stimulate advantageous personality traits, and that these ads also influence the public's attitudes through activation.     

Globalization and the Reform of the International Financial and Monetary Systems

The outbreak of the global financial cdsis has called into question U.S.-style ＂financial capitalism.＂ Protectionism, currency multilateralism, decentralization of financial decision-making power and the nationalism of resources are gaining ground. The emerging economies are on the rise. The world power order is becoming multi-polar. Relations between countries are growing more diverse. The global governance model is undergoing fundamental changes. Global governance mechanisms, which are more representative and reflective of the diverse interests （such as the G20 and the UN climate change conference）, along with a reform of the international monetary system, will also help shape the future world order.     

China and the WTO: the theory and practice of compliance

Since China joined the World Trade Organization (WTO) in December2001, attention has turned to the issue of whether or not Chinais a responsible member of the organization and how compliantChina is with WTO rules. This article discusses the difficultiesfaced by China, as a responsible rising power, in trying toadjust itself to global trading norms. It examines the theoryof compliance in international relations from the perspectivesof neo-realism, liberal institutionalism and social constructivism,and then tests these perspectives by examining the mechanismsused to gauge China's compliance, both bilaterally by the UnitedStates and multilaterally through the Dispute Settlement Mechanismand the Transition Review Mechanism of the WTO. The result ismixed: different opinions exist as to how compliant China hasbeen but, on the whole, most monitors agree that China has triedhard to comply with WTO requirements in various areas, thoughmuch remains to be done. The most severe tests will come inthe next few years when China's financial and service sectorswill have to face fundamental changes to the way they operate.