The Study of China-U.S. Relations Awaits ＂Two Beyonds＂

In the Chinese academic circles, the study of China-U.S relations has achieved tremendous progress after nearly 30 years' endeavor. This is no doubt gratifying. In recent years, the United States has put forward the new concept of "stakeholder" and, based on it, defined China-U.S. relations in the 21st century. The term of "stakeholder" was written into the 2006 edition of the U.S.     

An Analysis of U.S. ＂Energy Independence＂

"Energy independence" has been an age-old dream of the U.S. administration, and recently reemerged as a hot topic in the United States with the welcome news of the shale gas revolution and its net exp...     

New U.S.-Russia Nuclear Disarmament Treaty And the Myth of ＂No Nukes＂ World

U.S. president Barack Obama and Russian president Dimitri A. Medvedev recently signed a new U.S.-Russia treaty on cutting offensive strategic weapons which has some positive impact on promoting the process of nuclear disarmament in the world. Seen from a deep perspective, however, the new treaty is mainly of symbolic significance with limited role in reality.     

How Effective Are U.S. Sanctions on Iran？

Iran＇s nuclear development has become a serious threat to the U.S.-led nuclear nonproliferation movement. It also threatens Israel and other U.S.allies in the Middle East. It is one of the U.S.＇ biggest problems in the area. The U.S. ratcheted up sanctions on Iran after 2003 as the nuclear issue grew more urgent. Iran has responded with its own policies.     

＂Renormalization＂： Management Issues in Building ＂New-Type Sino-U.S. Ties＂

Since President Nixon visited China in 1972, the ice has broken in China-U.S. relations. In 1979, the two countries normalized bilateral relations by establishing diplomatic relations. Over the past three decades, bilateral relations have experienced complicated and convoluted change. Today, China-U.S. relations are entering     

＂Strategic Reassurance＂ and the Future of China-U.S. Relations

＂Strategic reassurance,＂ a new concept in Obama＇s China policy, should be fostered bilaterally by dialogue designed to highlight and reinforce the areas of common interests while addressing the sources of mistrust directly. Yet in practice it seems that U.S. strategic reassurance has contrasted all China＇s core interests. The United States and China must recognize their different social systems and asymmetrical national strength in seeking to realize strategic stability. Crisis control requires sophisticated management of both side, especially on sensitive issues like weapons sales, the Dalai Lama, and the South China Sea dispute.     

＂Great Changes＂： Sino-U.S. Relations and

Despite increasingly close contacts and cooperation between the two countries, Sino-U.S. relations are clearly undergoing a period ofinstability. Each side has become more sensitive to the other's acti...     

Analysis of ＂China-U.S. Strategic Competition＂ Theory

In his article entitled “Big Trouble Brewing in the Hood” published at online Sydney Morning Herald on August 3, 2010, Professor John Mearsheimer at the University of Chicago claimed that “the balance of power in Asia is expected to change significantly in the next few decades, as China increases its military capabilities”, and “China＇s rise is likely to spark an intense security competition with the U.S.”. He then made a provocative speech on “The Gathering Storm： China＇s Challenge to U.S. Power in Asia” at the Sydney University. When interviewing with an Australian news agency,     

＂Deindustrialization＂ and Sino-Brazilian Ties

After the global financial crisis broke out in 2008, major industrial economies became concerned about delndustrlahzation . The important roles that the industrial sector plays in creating jobs and ensuring intemational competitiveness began to be recognized again. The U.S. launched its policy of ＂re-industrialization＂ and Brazil published a plan to develop its industrial sector between 2011 and 2014. China＇s industrial sector has rapidly developed. ＂Deindustrialization＂ sparked widespread concern because it is connected with the global distribution of technological capability and the future global economic order. It is noteworthy that the U.S., Brazil and some other major economies partly blamed China for the problems that ＂deindustrialization＂ has caused and this has had an increasing effect on China＇ s relations with these countries. It reflects China＇ s problem as a new manufacturing power. In this article, the author analyzes those political and economic factors associated with ＂deindustrialization＂ and makes some suggestions for the Sino-Brazilian strategic partnership. In this way, the author explores some ideas on establishing a new type of big power relations.     

The Impact of the U.S. Asia-Pacific Alliance on China’s Security

The U.S.’newly-reinforced Asia-Pacific alliance has turned out to be an important factor influencing the regional landscape and big power relations. Historically, the close political and military cooperation between the U.S. and its allies was one of the factors that helped it win the Cold War. After the end of the Cold War     

美国"转型外交"再思考

2006年初,美国基于布什政府对外战略与政策实践的教训与经验,提出“转型外交”,意在加强外交手段在实施美国对外战略中的作用。但由于全球唯一超级大国身份所决定的美国在动用武力方面的内在冲动,军事力量仍是美国维护国家利益的基本手段。“转型外交”实际上服务于美国的全球战略和国家安全战略,也服务于以军事实力维护国家利益的战略取向。     

浅析美国的伊拉克"退出战略"

美国为避免深陷伊拉克泥潭开始实施"退出战略".2009年6月30日美军从伊拉克城镇撤出,就是其摆脱伊拉克困境的重要步骤,也是美国新一轮战略收缩的标志性事件.但美军撤离给伊拉克留下安全真空,使伊拉克安全形势脆弱性日趋凸显,恐怖暴力活动重新抬头.这使美国的"退出战略"进退两难,无论如何取舍都面临极大困境.     

美国在非洲的“人权外交”

“人权”是美国推行其价值观、维护国家利益的一个有效武器以及实现其全球战略的一项重要措施。非洲作为美国全球战略大棋局中一个不可或缺的重要依托，也是美国推行“人权外交”的重点区域之一。本文从人权与南非种族隔离制度、人权与非洲民主化、人权与非洲经济发展三个方面的联系来剖析美国对非政策中“人权因素”的两面性本质，指出美国对非“人权外交”的出发点和实质是捍卫其价值观和国家利益。     

“无赖国家”及美国对其政策综述

“无赖国家”的概念由美国提出后,就逐渐在国际社会流行开来。冷战后,美国把“无赖国家”确定为世界及美国安全的主要威胁,对它的内涵和外延进行了诠释,对其政策则随形势变化而不断调整。     

U. S. Plan to "Transformation of Iraq"

Wang: I believe that the above comparisons of the two "wars on Iraq" are excellent. The United States has made it clear that its present military actions are aiming at "toppling Saddam. " It seems that Washington has long made preparations for the actions, and will do more in the future.     

十年磨一剑--评《美国新经济》

近读甄炳禧同志新作《美国新经济》，忍不住想说几句话。　　记得80年代初，读了上海社会科学院世界经济研究所砞葆一先生主编的《当代美国经济》一书后，当时就有耳目一新之感。后来，上海国际问题研究所、中国社会科学院陆续都有关于美国经济的专著问世。近些年，关于美国新经济的著述也很多，但像《美国新经济》这样洋洋37万言，从学术的角度，专门论述有关问题的著作还不多见。　　本书之所以引人注目，主要是由于它具有以下特点。　　一、对新经济作了系统的论述。迄今，国际上对何为新经济并无统一的认识。甄著对此虽提出了自已的看法…     

"一中原则"与中美关系

本文就中美三个联合公报的形成和30多年来中美关系时好时坏、复杂多变的实际进行了回顾,从中可以看出美国政府对华政策在台湾问题上的两面性。     

从“重返”到“再平衡”——奥巴马政府第二任期的东南亚政策

美国总统奥巴马2009年上台后,对东南亚表现出浓厚的兴趣并高调"重返",推出了一系列加强在东南亚存在的举措。2013年连任后,他将在未来4年继续把东南亚作为"亚太再平衡"战略的着力点。同时,奥巴马政府意识到其东南亚政策也需要进行"再平衡",应放缓军事"重返"脚步,在经济、政治、安全等领域全方位投入,均衡化、长期化地推进东南亚外交。国内财政限制、中东等地区外交挑战和外交人员人事变动等因素会对美国新一届政府的东南亚外交有所制约,但其未来政策走向仍将对中国周边外交和中美关系产生持续影响。     

"中俄美关系"研讨会在京举行

今年6月25日至26日,中国国际问题研究所与美国驻中国大使馆在北京联合举办了“中俄美关系”研讨会,三方近40名专家、学者与会。外国专家有美国的李侃如（前克林顿政府白宫亚洲事务高级主任、现密执安大学政治科学系教授）、柯京斯（卡内基国际和平基金欧亚研究项目主任）、俄罗     

China-U. S. Strategic Relations on the "Western Front"

In geopolitical terms, despite its broader global significance, the interaction between a rising China and a hegemonic America, had nevertheless all along been confined largely to East Asia, or the "Eastern Front," where issues like the Taiwan question, the nuclear program of the DPRK as well as bilateral trade, economic and military exchanges attracted the attention of observers or analysts.