日本近代华侨教育的“中日因素”

世界近代华侨教育起源于日本,这与当时中国国内外的形势,日本华侨社会状况紧密相关。本文探讨了19世纪初20世纪末日本近代华侨教育的历史起源,分析了该时期日本近代华侨教育形成的历史背景,并阐述了该时期日本近代华侨教育形成的历史特点。     

还历史本来面目——重新审视日本明治维新

发生在日本近代的明治维新,一开始并不是所谓主张进步的维新志士企图推翻落后保守的幕府政权的革命,而是一场围绕着开国与锁国的政治斗争。对立双方的主角,一方是主张对外开放的幕府政权,另一方则是部分主张复古排外的雄藩武士。这批武士与大权旁落很久的朝廷结盟,最终逼迫幕府“奉还大政”,建立起中央集权的明治政权。由于没有治国经验,新政权建立后不久即派出级别很高的岩仓使节团对欧美各先进国家进行全面考察。使节团回国后,日本政府迅速调整政策,全面学习西方,终于走上了近代资本主义道路。     

柳田国男的日本近代法西斯主义国家批判*

柳田国男被誉为“日本民俗学之父”，是日本民俗学的泰斗和集大成者，同时，也是日 本近代极为重要的思想家，他通过实证性的民俗学研究对日本近代法西斯主义国家进行了猛烈的 批判。柳田国男认为，日本的祖神分为本质完全不同的天神和地祇两种类型，日本近代国家通过国 家神道将地祇纳入天神体系的底层，从而把日本普通民众拉入了日本近代法西斯主义国家体系， 这是对日本民众信仰的歪曲和恶用。柳田国男对国家神道进行了釜底抽薪式的抨击，从而对日本 近代法西斯主义国家进行了致命性的批判。     

“兼得意识”与日本近代化进程

日本近代的变革发展, 并非一味学习西方的制度和技术, 而是将日本已有的传统文 化核心和当时世界各国先进的制度、技术吸纳融合, 将“兼得”思想运用到社会的政治、经济、文化、 教育等各个领域。“兼得意识”影响了近代日本道路的每一步发展, 在日本近代化进程中发挥了关 键而积极的作用, 成就了日本在世界近代史上的地位     

近代日本文人与中国文化——以大正文人的上海体验为中心

在日本近代化发展过程中,大正时期出现了“中国情趣”的热潮。由于日本的近代化是在旧物破坏、照搬西洋的前提下进行的,使得人们面对不伦不类的日本发出传统消失殆尽而西洋模仿又流于肤浅的不满。另外,由于明治维新的不彻底性,资产阶级民主主义运动失败,日本国内盛行国家主义、民族主义至上的风气,使近代知识分子追求自由、平等和近代生活方式的梦想破灭。在这种闭塞的时代背景下,面对东西文化和思想的冲突,近代日本知识分子陷入苦闷彷徨中,于是到中国上海旅行成为他们追求梦想、宣泄感情的手段。     

近代日本报业对中国新闻业的影响

日本的明治维新运动,开辟了一个明治时代(1868—1911年),促成了日本近代报刊的诞生、发展,乃至进入"报纸复兴时代"。中日两国具有地理上的接近性,近代报纸的发展进程大致相近,中日两国文化交融成为近代报刊转型之基础,日本报刊对中国戊戌变法期间新闻业具有启发作用,对辛亥革命时期办报思想的促进作用。     

走向“近代”与“文学”——日本大众文学源流的再思考

大众文学是20世纪日本文坛独具特色的一种文学形态，因此日本学界对其理论研究可谓是汗牛充栋，论争不断。本文从其中的一个问题即产生的源流出发，在梳理日本大众文学源流研究的基础上，进一步剖析大众文学与日本的“近代”、“文学”等概念确立的内在关联。日本近代社会促成了大众文学的发生，而大众文学也起到了塑造日本国民精神与素质的重要作用；日本文学的近代性孕育于大众文学，而大众文学也承载了日本近代文学独特的生命力。至少在源流上，在日本是不存在大众文学与纯文学的界限之分的，二者的对峙图式只是其发生的一种建构而已。     

近代日本政治专制与民众的普选运动——《东方杂志》的近代日本观研究

近代日本经过明治维新,虽然在名义上实行了宪政体制,但没有完成政治现代化任务。《东方杂志》有很多文章,评述了近代日本社会在限制选举制度下,普选运动均受到打压,在长期扩张政策下,民众生活陷入困苦,基本生存权无法保障,在专制思想与组织手段下,底层民众遭到严格控制等问题。对于近代日本社会而言,专制政治导致国内政治生态不断恶化,并逐渐迷失了应有的国家发展道路。     

东北近代知识分子的形成及其日本认识

东北近代知识分子是在中国遭受帝国主义侵略,民族危机加深的形势下形成并发展的。自甲午战争至"九.一八"事变,日本一步步成为侵占东北的主要帝国主义国家,自然成为东北知识分子关注的对象,同时东北近代知识分子的形成与日本又有着千丝万缕的联系。近代中日关系对于两国的政治、经济、文化与思想的发展变化都有着巨大影响,在对日关系方面,中国近代知识分子的思想与行动无疑起到了重要作用。考察东北近代知识分子对日本认识的形成与变迁,从中既可获得可资借鉴的历史教训,同时也可获得对现实的启示。     

从文明角度看俄国和日本的现代化

从文明角度看俄国和日本的现代化张广翔克里木战争失败后，俄国进入了１９世纪６０年代改革时期，而１８５３年日本被迫“开国”，以及随之发生的“尊王攘夷运动”，由此拉开了明治维新的帷幕。二者在这种历史性的马拉松式赛跑中各自都有独特的前提和优势：俄国较早地进入...     

试论战后日苏关系的特点

战后日苏关系是影响东亚地区国际关系格局的一对重要的双边关系,同东亚地区其他国与国之间的双边关系相比战后日苏关系具有十分明显的特点;既有战胜国与战败国之间关系的特点,又有冷战中相互对立阵营中的主、配角之间的关系的特点。从地缘政治上看,日俄虽然是东北亚的邻国,但是由于历史的、现实的、经济的、文化的原因,两国关系又更多地表现出欧亚国家关系的特点。日苏两国在意识形态、社会制度和主流政治文化上存在很大的差异,因此,战后日苏关系又呈现出社会主义国家和资本主义国家关系的特点。     

The state-in-society approach to the study of democratization with examples from Japan

How does an undemocratic country create democratic institutions and transform its polity in such a way that democratic values and practices become integral parts of its political culture? This article uses the case of Japan to advocate for a new theoretical approach to the study of democratization. In particular, it examines how theoretical models based on the European and North American experiences have difficulty explaining the process of democratization in Japan, and argues that a state-in-society approach is better suited to explaining the democratization process' diverse cultural contexts. Taking a bottom-up view of recent developments in Japanese civil society through the close examination of two cases – one traditional organization dating from the pre-war era (neighbourhood associations) and one new-style group formed in 2000 (Association of New Elder Citizens) – this article illustrates how Japanese citizens have democratized their political culture at the grassroots. The state-in-society approach to democratization is particularly useful for the study of democratization processes in non-Western countries where the development of democracy requires not only the modification of a traditional political culture but also the development of new, indigenous, democratic ideas and practices.     

日本“政治大国”走向与自主防卫

进入20世纪80年代以后,作为经济强国的日本已经不再满足于“经济大国政治小国”的地位,历届内阁开始要求与经济大国地位相适应的政治大国地位。日本政府在寻求实现政治大国目标的过程中,主要选择了以军事领域作为突破口,以成为军事大国带动政治大国目标的实现。具体体现在强化日美同盟、建立和完善有事法制、保持自主、高效的自卫力量与积极参与联合国维和行动四个方面。     

Bearing their share of the burden: Europe in Afghanistan

Abstract

This article assesses the relative burden European members of NATO are bearing in the war in Afghanistan. Some argue that the current contribution of European forces is on par with the American contribution. However, current studies do not analyze Europe's ISAF contribution in comparison to some benchmark by which relative burden-sharing can be accurately determined. This article compares Europe's involvement in the war in Afghanistan to past missions, current contributions and in light of the benefits each country is likely to enjoy. The quantitative and qualitative findings show that there is an extensive amount of free-riding occurring both in terms of hard and soft power, although it varies across time and even within NATO Europe. Inadequate forces provided by European NATO countries jeopardize the likelihood of success in Afghanistan.     

东亚区域货币合作与我国的参与对策

由美国著名经济学家蒙代尔提出的最优货币区理论为区域货币一体化奠定了理论基础,而欧盟的实践使这一理论变成了现实。东亚金融危机的爆发,加快了东亚区域货币合作的进程。而作为已经加入WTO同时又是东亚最大发展中国家的中国,应该积极参与东亚区域货币合作,并针对这一趋势做出适当的对策选择。     

EU perceptions in Northeast Asia: a cross-national comparative study of press coverage and citizens’ opinion

This study provides a unique and innovative comparative investigation of the press coverage and citizens’ opinion towards the European Union (EU) and its bilateral relations with the three most important Northeast Asian countries, People’s Republic of China, Japan and South Korea. On the basis of media content analysis of mainstream national newspapers and opinion surveys of the general public and elite stakeholders, the analysis explores the extent to which media agenda and framing, the shared interests between the EU and the respective country, and social and personal connections influence citizens’ opinions of the EU and its bilateral relations in these three countries.     

The European Union’s trade and investment policy in Asia: new challenges and opportunities in a changing global environment – or: following individual roadmaps

Asia is Europe’s largest trading partner and EU-Asia trade relations have undergone a rapid change since the global financial crisis. On a global scale, the new multilateral trade agreements such as the now stalled Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) involving European Unions’ (EU) major trading partners such as Japan, Singapore and Vietnam also have the potential to change the trade equations. In this paper, we evaluate the new EU trade policy which has been designed to ensure that the EU benefits from the changing global trade scenario and also look at the steps which have been taken by the EU to promote trade relations with its major trading partners in Asia in the predicted ‘Asian century’. We look into the Free Trade Agreements, which are being negotiated with its Asian partners and seek to understand the reasons which have resulted in delays in their signing and negotiations. We evaluate new policies pushed forward by its Asian partners such as the One Belt One Road policy by China and Japan’s policy of securing a large number of trading agreements in the America. Moving ahead, we also shed light on the indirect factors that may influence the success of EU trade negotiations in Asia such as the EU policy on granting China market economy status and the commencement of the ‘Brexit’ process. Lastly, we try to present a list of immediate priorities for EU in Asia, which will ensure that it secures a toehold in trade with the region. All in all, it is shown that the EU has not one and the same approach for all Asian countries but it negotiates flexibly and individually country by country. Because of this “country by country approach” the EU is also not ready to enter into general EU-ASEAN trade negotiations again.     

The “Japan Card” in the United States Rapprochement with China, 1969–1972

United States rapprochement with China should be re-examined by taking into consideration the American negotiating approach towards Beijing regarding the role of Japan, the United States' major Asian ally and China's long-term rival in East Asia. Whilst announcing the Nixon Doctrine, which increased pressure on Japan to strengthen its defense and regional responsibilities, Nixon and Kissinger used the so-called “Japan Card,” Japan's possible military resurgence and China's long-term fear of it, as a tacit negotiating tool to justify to Chinese leaders the continued United States military presence in East Asia. This article examines the impact of the United States rapprochement with China on the American negotiating process with Chinese leaders for the continuation of the United States–Japan Security Treaty and to what extent it changed China's policy toward American relations with Japan.     

抗战期间东南亚华侨的救国活动及彰显的民族精神

抗日战争是中华民族近代史上抗击侵略者的民族解放战争,抗战爆发后中日之间由于国力的差距,中国抗战面临着严重困难,而当时的欧美列强又为了自身利益大多袖手旁观,使得中国面临着严峻的国内外形势。而东南亚华侨在民族危亡的关键时刻,挺身而出,为支援祖国抗战掀起了波澜壮阔的抗日救国运动,华侨在经济方面捐款捐物、认购公债,抵制日货,为祖国抗战提供了巨大帮助。而更为人称颂的是不少华侨回国参加抗战,将青春与热血献给了祖国的抗战事业。     

Gerald Fitzmaurice (1865–1939), Chief Dragoman of the British Embassy in Turkey by Berridge,G.R

Nixon was one of the first American politicians to advocate the building of a strong US‐Japan economic alliance and the Nixon administration laid the foundation for the healthy post‐Vietnam dialogue that the Carter and Reagan administrations cultivated with Tokyo. This article examines that foundation, and its contribution to the general post‐World War II US‐Japan relationship. Vietnam changed America, and it even changed the way a once arch‐cold warrior, Nixon, viewed the significance of US‐Japan relations. After years of Washington's scoffing at or ignoring Japanese interests, this American ‘discovery’ of Japan was an important development in itself. Hence, this article also examines a relationship in transition which, for Nixon's America, was an important first step in the construction of a post‐Vietnam view of Asian/Pacific cooperation.