调整中的中印巴三角关系

冷战时代的中印巴三角关系以敌视和对抗为结构特征、以权力竞争和传统安全关切为主要内容。冷战结束后,大国开始调整南亚政策,印巴在国际舞台上的地位和作用发生变化,中印和印巴间的冷漠与对峙被打破,调整中印巴三角关系的历史机遇已经出现。但是构建良性互动和结构相对平衡的中印巴三角关系的前景并不乐观。     

中国的南亚外交与克什米尔问题

长达半个多世纪的克什米尔问题一直困扰印度与巴基斯坦的关系,随着印巴两国矛盾尖锐以及双方均已实际拥有核武器,克什米尔问题从根本上威胁到南亚地区乃至全球的安全稳定。中国对克什米尔问题的立场调整的中国南亚政策的重要体现,始终反映了中国与印度、巴基斯坦两国的战略关系变化,同时也与中国自身国家利益相关。近年来的印巴和平进程、中印关系的良性发展、以及美国等其他大国对南亚战略影响的加深,均对中国南亚政策的定位提出新的要求。     

1997年的南亚形势和今后展望

1997年世界多极化趋势加速发展,这在南亚也有明显的反映。美国和俄国都加强了同印度、巴基斯坦的关系,并以印度为重点。随着中美关系的改善,中俄关系的发展,中美俄印四大国之间的相互关系进一步朝均衡的方向发展。这对维护南亚的和平与稳定十分有利。印巴恢复政治对话,使印巴关系趋向缓和。印同其他邻国关系也继续改善。南亚区域合作进程加快。但南亚各国在国内普遍受到各种政治、经济、社会问题的困扰,对这些国家的发展带来十分不利的影响。     

南亚核态势新发展初析

1998年印巴核试验改变了南亚地区安全格局,南亚核态势出现新的变化。南亚核态势发展变化的主要动因是南亚地缘政治因素,但同美国的南亚政策密切相关。奥巴马"无核世界"的构想,特别是2010年不扩散核武器审议大会,各方在核裁军、核不扩散、和平利用核能等重大问题上共识增加,使印巴这样的"体制外"有核国家面临压力。南亚安全形势错综复杂,如何在维护核不扩散体系有效性的同时,推动印巴两国不断改善关系,走出安全困境,考验着国际社会特别是印巴两国的智慧。     

试析中国周边安全环境中的印度因素

改革开发以来，中国高举独立自主的和平外交旗帜，发展睦邻关系、稳定周边作为中国外交政策的一个重要内容，取得了明显的成绩，中国的周边安全与发展环境得到了极大改善。但是也必须清醒认识到，我国周边安全环境中的不稳定因素还依然存在。１９９８年５月中印关系出现的逆转就是其中一个值得重视的问题。本文试就印度在中印边界问题上的战略企图、印度对华军事战略、印巴核竞赛和中印巴三角关系这四个因素略述己见，探讨印度对中国安全的影响。一、印度在中国边界问题上的战略企图与中国安全作为亚洲两个大国，中国和印度曾有过相互友好的…     

印巴恢复和平进程：动因与制约

始自2004年的印巴和平进程切实地改善了双边关系，但2008年11月孟买恐怖事件后和平进程被中断。目前，印巴双方均有意恢复和平进程，就其原因有印巴对各自国情的考虑、双方民间外交的推动、南亚区域合作的启发、美国推动印巴和解。然而，在重启和平进程的问题上印巴还面临一些障碍，如孟买事件的调查与指控、克什米尔问题、极端势力破坏、印度反对党的压力和巴基斯坦军方的犹豫态度。     

印巴关系回暖及其前景

2011年以来,印度与巴基斯坦关系回暖势头明显。双方重启对话,承诺以和平方式解决各种矛盾,加大经贸合作力度,并推进民间往来。印巴关系回暖是南亚地缘战略环境变化及印巴两国内在发展需求共同推动的结果。但是,由于印巴两国矛盾根深蒂固,在领土争端、反恐等问题上的立场差距较大,印巴关系的缓和仍显脆弱,极易被突发事件打断。     

印巴关系的变化与克什米尔问题

在半个多世纪中 ,克什米尔问题始终困扰着印巴关系 ,是印巴军事冲突不断的症结 ,也是南亚地区动荡的重要因素。近期在多方面因素的影响下 ,印巴双方都积极主动提出了一系列和解建议 ,就此印巴关系开始趋于缓和。 2 0 0 3年 11月印巴双方签定了克什米尔停火协议 ,双方改善关系成为了现实。尔后印巴双方又进一步表示愿就包括克什米尔问题在内的南亚和平进程进行谈判。但由于历史和现实的复杂性 ,克什米尔问题能否得到最终妥善解决 ,印巴在这一地区的军事冲突能否就此而结束 ,印巴关系的缓和能否继续下去 ,仍难得出乐观的结论。     

印巴关系缓和现状与前景北大核心CSSCISSCI

印度和巴基斯坦于2011年2月刚刚宣布将在7月之前恢复因2008年孟买恐怖袭击事件而中断的和平谈判,但5月又因美国越境在巴基斯坦击毙本·拉丹事件而变数陡增。5月30日,印巴两国重开国防秘书级会谈,终于实现了恢复和平对话进程的第一步。自2004年启动和平进程以来,迄今印巴已经进行了四轮"全面对话",两国持续多年的紧张关系明显得到改善,这是其各自国内政治、经济、军事和外交等方面现实发展的需要,也与大国尤其是美国推动和谈所发挥的作用有关。目前,两国关系正面临拉丹之死所引发多重危机的考验,同时印巴核因素、印度崛起以及美国反恐战争、美国与印巴关系等仍在制约着印巴和平进程。印巴关系尽管在向缓和的方向发展,但在克什米尔争端这一"核心"问题上近期难有突破性进展。     

印巴关系缓和现状与前景

印度和巴基斯坦于2011年2月刚刚宣布将在7月之前恢复因2008年孟买恐怖袭击事件而中断的和平谈判,但5月又因美国越境在巴基斯坦击毙本·拉丹事件而变数陡增.5月30日,印巴两国重开国防秘书级会谈,终于实现了恢复和平对话进程的第一步.自2004年启动和平进程以来,迄今印巴已经进行了四轮“全面对话”,两国持续多年的紧张关系明显得到改善,这是其各自国内政治、经济、军事和外交等方面现实发展的需要,也与大国尤其是美国推动和谈所发挥的作用有关.目前,两国关系正面临拉丹之死所引发多重危机的考验,同时印巴核因素、印度崛起以及美国反恐战争、美国与印巴关系等仍在制约着印巴和平进程.印巴关系尽管在向缓和的方向发展,但在克什米尔争端这一“核心”问题上近期难有突破性进展.     

Population, Prophets, Pensions, and Politics

As immigrant populations in Western welfare states grow at a faster rate than the native populations, whose birthrates have declined dramatically in recent years, Europe's tradition of democracy and tolerance is threatened. The reasons for the birthrate decline and the resultant aging of the native population are many and complex, but one important contributing factor is the pay-as-you-go pension system, which reduces people's immediate dependence on children. Moreover, the payroll and social security taxes that support the welfare state reduce the earnings capacity of men and women of the traditional age for having children, thus pushing down the birthrate. It is time to consider whether modern Europe's small-size families and high pensions are sustainable     

Terrorism,counter-terrorism,and critique: opportunities,examples, and implications

This article explores the parameters, value and limitations of different critical strategies for those dissatisfied with the contemporary politics of terror. It argues, first, that the prominent (counter-)terrorism paradigm – in which terrorism is approached as a ubiquitous and very specific security challenge meriting appropriately exceptional responses – is far more critiqued than we might anticipate. And, second, that such critiques – which can be found across political language, popular culture, everyday life, and beyond – employ distinct critical resources to serve varying ends. Reflecting on these, the article offers a new heuristic distinguishing five critical strategies which seek to: (i) repudiate; (ii) question; (iii) subvert; (iv) replace, or (v) deconstruct the prominent counter-terrorism paradigm. This typology, it argues, offers scope for optimism and strategic resources for those attracted to a critical terrorism studies project going forward.     

Norway,Spitsbergen, and America, 1905-1920

In the Spitsbergen treaty of 1920, Norway acquired sovereignty over the Spitsbergen Islands. Rather than Woodrow Wilson, the American president, the architects behind the treaty were Robert Lansing, Wilson’s secretary of state, and, behind the diplomatic scene, the mining investor, John M. Longyear. In 1906, Longyear established a mining company to exploit the coal deposits at Spitsbergen. He induced Congress, the State Department, and the White House to forge an American policy for the European Arctic, including the appointment of Lansing, an international lawyer, as a counsel in the State Department. Lansing was a leading expert on both international law and the lack of state authority at the terra nullius, Spitsbergen. In 1915, he became secretary of State and, at the Paris Peace Conference, decided American policy regarding the Spitsbergen question. This analysis shows how the outcome of the Spitsbergen question was a result of American mining interests, supplemented by Norwegian-American shared interests in conflict resolution based on international law.     

Pakistan,India, China,and the United States: Energy,Climate Change,and National Security

This article focuses on the interplay of energy, climate change, and national security issues in Southwest Asia, using the newer definition of “national security” to include energy security, economic development, and climate change, as well as traditional security focusing on the military aspects.     

Indigeneity,Ethnicity, and the State: Australia,Fiji, and New Zealand

This article draws on the politics of indigeneity to distinguish the claims of first occupancy from simple ethnic identity politics, illustrating that relative political marginalization in Australasia is not so much a function of minority status but of indigeneity itself. The politics of indigeneity's aim is to create political space for self-determination and a particular indigenous share in the sovereign authority of the nation-state itself. The Australasian states are compared with Fiji to demonstrate that the significance of historical constraints on political authority transcend the withdrawal of a colonial power and the restoration of collective indigenous majority population status.     

International relations in Malaysia: theories, history, memory, perception, and context

The article makes a preliminary survey of the teaching of internationalrelations (IR) in Malaysia. It starts by describing the originsof the field, and the emergence of an IR epistemic communityjoining both academia and government. This account is necessarilyderived from the experiences of the four most established Malaysianuniversities distinguished by length of existence and officialfavor. Subsequently, the survey would describe course contentand influences going into their design. The penultimate sectionswould attempt to place the evolution of Malaysian IR teachingwithin a historical context. This survey nonetheless concludesthat nationalist aspirations continue to remain a secondaryinfluence when compared with intellectual dependence upon theWest in the design of IR education in Malaysia. Received for publication August 28, 2008. Accepted for publication October 2, 2008.     

Culture,liberation, and 'development'

Most of the socio-economic changes taking place in Africa and much of the South are externally driven. External agencies, often in league with the State, by-pass working people and do not involve them in the decision-making processes. Their economic approaches ignore people's cultures and their world view. This denies working people a creative capacity to adapt new techniques and knowledge to their own concrete reality. This article argues for the importance of the historical frame of reference and for the centrality of culture in socio-economic processes. The author argues against approaches which are not culturally familiar to working people.     

The roles of,and relationships between,expatriates, volunteers,and local development workers

This article reports on exploratory research based on interviews with expatriate and local aid workers employed by local and international NGOs in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. Thematic analysis of the interviews found that personnel were placed in groups based on their job category – consultant, volunteer, or permanent staff – regardless of experience. These categories logically reflect each worker's pay level, purpose, and role, but they may also have an implicit power meaning which reinforces group differences and inhibits inter-group relationships. Relationship building was reported to be the most important factor contributing to the success of capacity-development initiatives. Four sub-themes were identified: communication, friendship, reciprocal learning/teaching, and confidence.     

Negotiation,politics, and management

Book reviews in this article:
Samuel B. Bacharach and Edward J. Lawler , Power and Politics in Organizations: The Social Psychology of Conflict, Coalitions, and Bargaining .
Max H. Bazerman and Roy J. Lewicki , eds., Negotiating in Organizations .
Jeffrey Pfeffer , Power in Organizations .