Model power or reference point? The EU and the ASEAN Charter

Several scholars have suggested that ASEAN's institutionalization can be attributed to the EU's influence as a ‘model power’. The notion of the EU as a model power is premised on the assumption and belief that Europe's history of regional cooperation presents a viable blueprint for other regions. This article argues that the EU exerts some power over ASEAN—but merely as a ‘reference point’. The EU's influence is not an active one; the organisation essentially serves as a passive reference point for ASEAN. The obvious and arguably most important example of this referencing is the framing of the ASEAN Charter in 2007. This article disagrees with scholars who reduce ASEAN's institutionalization to an imitation of the EU form without the substance. Instead, it shows how ASEAN has innovated as a regional organization through its Charter and Intergovernmental Human Rights Commission.     

中国-东盟自由贸易区：基于东盟经济共同体蓝图的战略构想

随着东盟宪章及经济共同体蓝图的实施以及中国-东盟自由贸易区建成和运行,中国-东盟经贸合作关系踏上新台阶。其进一步发展有赖于中国-东盟经济一体化进程的战略引导。基于区域经济一体化演进趋势,提出了中国一东盟经济一体化战略框架。其基本思路是在合作方向与发展目标指引下,采取多样化的合作方式,多路径展开全面合作,构建一系列战略支撑,最终推动中国与东盟建成关税同盟乃至共同市场。     

Constructing Southeast Asian security: the pitfalls of imagining a security community and the temptations of orthodoxy

At the ninth summit of the Association of South‐East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in October 2003, the organisation's leaders declared their intention of transforming ASEAN into a security community. In making the case that ASEAN has functioned as a realist security institution since its inception in 1967, this article argues that the theoretical literature underpinning the ASEAN security community idea is characterised by significant conceptual and empirical flaws. First, a number of problems surround the variables—either norms or identity—that are used to explain the emergence of a putative security community among the ASEAN states. Second, critical issues in the ASEAN security community literature include the tautological nature of the arguments and a failure to rule out alternative explanations. Third, from an empirical perspective, the nascent ASEAN security community has arguably never existed.     

Forming a security community: lessons from ASEAN

At its Ninth Summit in October 2003 the Association of SouthEast Asian Nations (ASEAN) announced its intention to createan ASEAN Community based upon three pillars: ASEAN EconomicCommunity, ASEAN Security Community and an ASEAN Socio-CulturalCommunity. A year later ASEAN established the Vientiane ActionProgramme to realise this goal. The official discourse of communitybuilding is complemented by a vibrant academic debate over whetherASEAN's norms indicate that it is a nascent security communityready to transform itself into a fully-fledged security community.In this article I argue that ASEAN has never been a nascentsecurity community but has instead been a security regime andtherefore its norm compliance does not provide evidence of communitybuilding. If ASEAN is to form a security community then newsocialising norms will need to emerge, which will need to includethe active involvement of regional civil society organisationsin order to bring plurality to ASEAN decision making. Only thenwill the people of ASEAN be able to take ownership of the communitybuilding process. Received for publication December 14, 2005. Accepted for publication July 13, 2006.     

Towards an Asian security-community

The title of this paper indicates that the subject matter involves a process. It is a gradual process, step by step , since there are still many constraints: the complete normalization between China and Japan; the acceptance of the US, openly or tacit; and ASEAN's credibility, which will depend on the efforts to build the ASEAN Community. The process probably involves more than only East Asia in the geographical sense, because it would be sensible to include India, Australia and New Zealand as well. An Asian Security Community appears premature. But an extended East Asian community, which has a security component, could be a possibility. How this will unfold further will depend on how successful this regional process will be. East Asia cannot emulate the EU because it is a more diverse region than Europe, but East Asia can learn from the EU.     

加快推进共同体进程,平衡扩大区域合作——东盟2012年内外合作分析

2012年,东盟各国政局总体稳定,经济平稳增长,缅甸进一步融入东盟大家庭,成员国在各领域加强合作,加快推进东盟共同体进程。在区域合作中,东盟坚持大国平衡外交政策和东盟的主导地位,但在南海问题上东盟的协商一致原则受到挑战。展望2013年,东盟将继续有效执行各项一体化计划,缩小成员国发展差距,扩大区域合作,以便于2015年建成东盟共同体。     

中国—东盟会计区域协调机制研究——基于会计协调组织的视角

2010年1月1日,中国—东盟自由贸易区如期建成,这标志着这个拥有19亿人口、接近6万亿美元国民生产总值、4.5万亿美元贸易额的区域将有90%的产品享受零关税待遇。随着双边经贸合作的不断发展,中国与东盟的区域会计协调就显得越发重要。本文分析了东盟会计师联合会在中国—东盟会计协调中未发挥实质性作用的原因,并针对这些原因提出相应的建议与对策。     

东盟地区公共产品供给模式与困境分析

近年来,随着地区合作与一体化进程的发展以及相应的地区政治研究的兴起,地区公共产品理论已在地区主义发展的实践领域产生了越来越强的解释力。一般而言,水平较低、进展缓慢的地区合作进程,很大程度上就是由于该地区的公共产品供给不足而引起,东盟即是如此。作为一个由中小国家组成的地区组织和一个处于发展与建构中的一体化进程,在其几十年的发展中始终存在地区公共产品供给不足的困境,并明显地制约了其地区合作进程的发展。东盟要想实现《东盟宪章》提出的目标,在共同体建设中加强合作,推进地区认同和制度化建设,从而增加地区公共产品的供给,缓解供给不足的困境是东盟的必然选择。     

ASEAN and Northeast Asia: stakes and implications for the European Union–ASEAN partnership

During the immediate aftermath of the 1997 ASEAN crisis, instead of promoting a further “deepening” of the integration process, ASEAN has preferred enlarging its membership and has opened up to its Northeast Asian partners, Japan, China and South Korea. The mounting economic trade flows among those actors necessitates calls for the coherent creation of effective regional structures. China in particular, among the three mentioned countries, has come to the fore with its diplomatic strategies concerning the regional architecture. As results of these recent changes, the structure of power and the nature of the regional system are altering and ASEAN is going through a decisive transition. Taking into consideration the speed of the evolving framework with the enlargement of an East Asian Community, ASEAN would need a new political vision for the region, for the redefinition of its internal balance of power and for the elaboration of a clear approach toward external partners. Crucial problems affect the entire area such as deficit of democracy, wide development gaps among the East Asian countries, the widespread need for economic liberalisation and need for new human and regional security policies. The EU would play a fundamental role in addressing these problems and would be well inspired to avoid considering Southeast Asia as just a mere periphery of China.     

试析东盟高度一体化及其对中国的影响

《东盟宪章》的顺利签署表明，东盟各国正在努力改变东盟的松散状态，试图将其建设成为更有凝聚力的地区实体。本文在考察中国的东南亚地区利益结构后认为，一个在经济上实现了内部高度整合，但在政治上仍旧保持内部多元决策机制的东盟较为符合中国的利益。即一个经济上强大但政治上较弱、经济上联系紧密但政治上相对松散的东盟对地区格局的冲击会相对较小。因此，对东盟当前的经济一体化进程，中国应持欢迎态度；但对东盟未来的政治安全一体化进程，中国应保持高度关注，并提早与东盟进行良性互动，以维护彼此的合理利益和地区稳定，防止出现某些负面效应。     

建设互联互通东盟 凸显大国平衡外交——东盟2010年内外合作分析

在全球经济下滑的形势下,2010年东盟积极推进东盟共同体建设,扩大与对话伙伴的合作,凸显大国平衡外交,并取得明显成效,但是东盟也面临内外因素的挑战。2011年东盟将继续推进东盟一体化建设,缩小成员国间的发展差距,在坚持东盟核心主导地位的基础上扩大区域合作。     

东盟管理争端规范及其作用

东盟的产生源于减弱地区安全不确定性，缓解各国之间的安全困境与领土争端。东盟发表了一系列文件，并制定了相应的行为规范，建立了管理和解决成员国间冲突的机制。东盟在克服诸多挑战的过程中，在制定冲突管理规范方面取得了一些进展。东盟在建立安全共同体的过程中强调应对和管理冲突的东盟模式，虽然其贡献和作用受到质疑，但在管理东南亚地区冲突方面却得到了普遍认可。     

东盟国家英语教学模式对比研究与启示

2009年,东盟各国签署《东盟宪章》,规定英语作为东盟唯一的工作语言,各国的英语教学得到更加广泛的重视和发展,东盟各国为在国际上赢得更多的话语权纷纷加强自身的英语教学质量以期达到推动经济和世界接轨的目标。为了解东盟国家所倡导的英语教育理念和教学思想,本文从社会语言学的角度探讨东盟各国的英语教学模式的特点,促进中国与东盟各国的文化交流和沟通,以期提升中国和东盟各国在外语教学领域进一步合作的空间。     

The emergence of post-crisis regional financial institutions in Asia—with a little help from Europe

Faced with the negative impact of regional and global financial crises, Asian countries have established joint-solution mechanisms over the last two decades in order to better protect themselves from short-term outflows of capital and from currency speculation. Despite some progress being made in regional financial cooperation, especially by the countries of the ASEAN+3 grouping, the overall degree of financial integration within the region remains surprisingly low, however. This contrasts sharply with the keen interest of many Asian countries in gaining a stronger voice within the multinational finance institutions (MFIs), and especially within the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Unable to initiate major governance reforms of the MFIs, Asian countries have not only set up regional support liquidity arrangements but also their own multilateral development banks (MDBs). While the USA and to some extent Japan have tried to prevent a rebalancing of power within the global financial architecture, major European countries have actively supported these changes by becoming founding members of the China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). Taking a New Institutional Economics (NIE) perspective, the paper aims to explain why some regional financial institutions are more attractive for Asian countries than others and why European countries are supporting Asia’s attempt to gain more weight in global financial governance (GFG)—and, thus, contribute to the acceleration of the power shift away from the USA toward emerging Asian economies in general and China in particular.     

安全观与东盟气候变化认知及政策

东南亚是世界上最易受到气候变化影响的地区之一。作为东南亚重要的地区一体化组织,东盟应对气候变化的政策受到越来越多的关注。作为对基于物质条件与能力的解释的补充,从观念的影响出发可以为理解东盟气候变化安全认知与应对政策提供一个新的视角。由于地理暴露度与社会经济脆弱性,东盟面临着高度的气候变化风险。而东盟如何认知与应对气候变化风险带来的安全威胁,除了受到客观条件的影响外,还受到其综合安全观的框定作用。在综合安全现的影响下,东盟对气候变化安全的认知与应对表现出三个特征,即将气候变化安全诠释为实现可持续发展问题、采取多领域综合性应对措施以及鼓励多元化主体参与。目前,东盟的主导安全观是以国家为中心的综合安全观,但随着"人的安全"思想影响的增强,东盟气候变化认知与应对正在发生微妙变化。     

云南、广西与东盟国家的投资关系比较研究

云南和广西作为我国毗邻东南亚的两个省区，与东盟国家长期保持密切的经贸关系，这种联系在各自的经济发展和对外开发战略中均具有重要意义。在一定程度上，云南和广西形成了合作与竞争关系。对滇桂两省区与东盟国家的投资关系进行比较研究，不仅有着重要的学术价值，也有着很积极的现实意义。本文在分析云南、广西与东盟国家投资关系优势的基础上，梳理了两省区与东盟国家相互投资的发展现状，     

India-ASEAN Relations from the Indo-Pacific Perspective

India and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) are important geopolitical actors in the Indo-Pacific, and their relations bear on the Indo-Pacific concept's richness in connotations. After the end of the Cold War, India introduced the "Look East" policy and made significant progress in its relations with ASEAN. As the idea of Indo-Pacific emerges, India has also claimed to safeguard the regional centrality of ASEAN.     

东南亚新地区主义的范式研究及其制度转型

当前,新地区主义的研究有了新的进展,该研究范式逐渐摒弃旧地区主义研究中的某些理论缺陷,不再过分强调"一体化(integration)"概念,而是借助国际关系理论中的一个新概念,即"国际规制(inter-national regimes)"(又译"国际体制"、"国际机制"、"国际制度"等)来描述当今地区化潮流的性质、程度和意义.     

国家间协调与区域安全治理:理解东盟安全机制

东盟安全机制以"东盟方式"著称,基于东盟的经验事实,本文认为,国家间协调是理解东盟安全机制的恰当理论框架。在此基础上评估了东盟安全机制的绩效:在抑制成员国内部冲突、化解东南亚地区国家间争端方面取得了积极效果。同时,由于东盟国家利益分歧,安全合作领域数量少、程度浅;东盟安全机制是中小国家之间的协调机制,其治理能力有限,无法单独解决地区重大安全问题,需要与外部大国相配合;东盟国家对主权独立格外重视,在安全领域缺少制裁机制,导致领土争端无法在区域内得到解决。面对本地区的复杂安全形势,东盟对内需要拓宽、深化安全领域的合作,对外需要加强与大国的安全合作。     

CAFTA背景下中国企业投资东盟农业的SWOT分析

本文运用SWOT分析法对中国-东盟自由贸易区（CAFTA）背景下中国企业投资东盟国家农业所面临的优势、劣势、机遇、威胁进行系统分析，在此基础上，从政府层面提出要搞好服务平台建设、加大资金支持力度、构建企业对外投资风险保障体系，以及从企业层面提出要慎选投资国家及农业投资领域、做好可行性研究、利用华商资源、加大人才培养力度等对策建议。