国际关系研究的智者——雷蒙·阿隆

雷蒙·阿隆是国际政治经典现实主义学派的代表人物。阿隆认为,国际政治与国内政治有着本质的区别。战争与和平的交替是国际关系的核心问题。国际政治的悖论首先是伦理与效率的矛盾。对外政策的首要目的,就是在一个国家拥有合法行使暴力权力的世界上,寻求和平与安全。终其一生,阿隆都在探究1945年以来国际体系发生的变化。他认为,核武器笼罩下的两极和异质是战后国际体系的主要特征,由此也造成核时代国际战略、国际伦理的两难困境。尽管阿隆的分析和思考连同冷战都已经成为历史,但他研究国际关系的方法,他的政治、历史和哲学智慧对我们今天认识当代的国际政治仍然有着重要意义。     

国际政治经济学刍议

本文从理论的定义出发 ,逐一分析了现存国际政治经济学理论的各个流派。国际政治经济学是建立一门国际关系的综合理论的重要一步 ,但是其本身的理论建设却很不成熟。本文以为 ,还原理论无法从整体上把握国际体系的特征 ,也就无法提出一个核心变量。还原主义的国际政治经济学只能描述国际体系内政治与经济作用的某一方面 ,而不能解释体系内的国际关系。国际制度理论和世界体系理论的核心变量不够有力 ,都难以成为统一的国际政治经济学。只有结构现实主义的结构概念可以作为国际政治经济学的核心变量 ,而它的作用为霸权稳定理论和结构现实主义所证明。     

论当前国际政治与国际经济有机互动的新特征

国际经济关系政治化、国际政治关系经济化的“两化”特征在80年代以来愈益鲜明。国际关系的“两化”现象反映了经济全球化的迅速发展强化了经济生活在国际社会中的主导地位,保证了经济对政治的基础性和决定性作用;以科技为基础、经济为核心的综合国力的竞争伴随着经济全球化而愈益残酷和激烈,主权国家不得不借助强制性公共权力深化对世界经济的干预以协调和控制国家之间的利益关系。在和平与发展的时代主题下,世界经济的全球化和民族国家对经济生活干预力度的强化,深深地影响到政治与经济之间相互依存、相互作用、相互转换的有机互动,使政治与经济的互动呈现出“强经济-强政治”的互动模式。     

国际体系的无政府性--读温特《国际政治的社会理论》

过去十年是社会建构主义国际关系理论迅速发展的年代,美国学者亚历山大·温特是这一学派的主要理论学者,其著作<国际政治的社会理论>全面论述了社会建构主义国际关系理论,成为这一学派最重要的理论专著.①温特在这部著作中对国际关系主流理论涉及的重要概念提出了富有意义的质疑,首当其冲的是国际体系的无政府性.     

文化、合作与价值——建构主义国际合作理论评析

建构主义的国际合作理论可以概括为"文化合作论",文化是合作行为发生的关键性甚至是决定性变量.文化合作论通过引入"文化"概念,丰富了国际合作理论,而文化的动态性又为国际体系的和平转换提供了可能.文化合作论的主要缺陷表现在:知识的层次性直接导致解释力下降;文化与合作陷入循环论证,同时又忽视国际政治的权力政治事实,带有理想化特征.文化合作论的价值则在于它给国际关系带来两条伦理原则:其一是平等尊重原则,其二是自我超越原则.     

美国的世界秩序观与东亚国际体系的演变(1900-1945)(Ⅰ)

本文从美国的国际秩序观入手,通过考察20世纪上半期东亚国际体系的演变,尝试为这一时期的东亚国际关系建立一个多国的、宏观的分析框架。作者认为:美国从世纪之交就开始谋求在东亚建立一个不同于欧洲权力政治的新的国际秩序,这是美国从建国之初就萌生的改造国际秩序思想的延续;20世纪上半期东亚国际关系的演变过程是美国不断推行和实施其国际秩序思想的过程,美国新的国际秩序思想集中体现在华盛顿体系的建立上;从30年代初直至二战结束,东亚国际关系的演变可以被视为美国捍卫、中国认同、日本挑战华盛顿体系的过程;战后初期美国试图建立的东亚国际秩序不过是华盛顿体系的修正版;华盛顿体系并非仅仅是帝国主义的工具,相反在很多方面有助于中国国家利益的维护。     

美国的世界秩序观与东亚国际体系的演变(1900-1945)(Ⅱ)

本文从美国的国际秩序观入手,通过考察20世纪上半期东亚国际体系的演变,尝试为这一时期的东亚国际关系建立一个多国的、宏观的分析框架。作者认为:美国从世纪之交就开始谋求在东亚建立一个不同于欧洲权力政治的新的国际秩序,这是美国从建国之初就萌生的改造国际秩序思想的延续;20世纪上半期东亚国际关系的演变过程是美国不断推行和实施其国际秩序思想的过程,美国新的国际秩序思想集中体现在华盛顿体系的建立上;从30年代初直至二战结束,东亚国际关系的演变可以被视为美国捍卫、中国认同、日本挑战华盛顿体系的过程;战后初期美国试图建立的东亚国际秩序不过是华盛顿体系的修正版;华盛顿体系并非仅仅是帝国主义的工具,相反在很多方面有助于中国国家利益的维护。     

权力政治、国家体系和国际关系思想传统--马丁·怀特的国际关系思想

马丁·怀特是当代西方最杰出的国际关系理论家和思想家之一,他对英国学派的建立及其学术传统的形成起到了至关重要的作用,因而被尊为"英国学派之父"。怀特的思想并非一成不变,随着国际形势的变化以及他本人研究议题和视角的改变,他由早期的现实主义转向了后期的理性主义。怀特长于运用历史方法分析权力政治、国家体系和国际关系思想,并试图从伦理角度对国际关系作出价值判断,其最突出的贡献,是提出了关于国际关系三大思想传统的分析模式。他的思想对英国学派乃至当代西方国际关系理论都产生了巨大影响,对于我们认识当代国际政治具有重要意义。     

国际政治的社会进化:从米尔斯海默到杰维斯

本文将对国际政治的宏观历史和一个国际政治大理论的辩论进行社会进化论的诠释。文章指出,用单一大理论来解释国际政治历史失败的根本原因,在于我们一直试图用系统的、而非进化论的大理论去解释整个国际政治历史。通过揭示从进攻性现实主义世界到防御性现实主义世界进化背后的根本及辅助机制,文章指出:国际政治系统一直是一个进化的系统。因此,不同的国际政治理论来自并适用于国际政治的不同时期,不同的国际政治时代实际上需要不同的国际政治理论。国际政治应该成为真正的进化论科学,或"给达尔文应有的地位"。     

编者的话

在本期的首篇论文中,阎学通教授以中国崛起为现实依托,对世界权力中心和国际体系变化的界定标准这两大国际关系重要命题做出重要判断和理论澄清。文章将具有世界影响力国家的存在和国际矛盾的集中视为世界中心的条件,同时将行为体、国际格局和国际规范三大体系要素中至少两个发生     

甲午战争对当代中日关系的影响——“甲午战争以来的中日关系”学术研讨会侧记

2014年8月在大连市召开了"甲午战争以来的中日关系"学术研讨会,来自全国各地的200余位专家、学者出席了会议。此次会议在"甲午战争对当代中日关系的影响"议题方面有一些新特点。一方面,研究的视角不断扩大,在以两国政治关系为切入点的研究基础上又增加了经济交往、思想文化、计量分析等新的视角,使甲午战争对当代中日关系影响的研究趋向多维化。另一方面,研究理论与方法亦呈现多样化,由于该议题涉及近代东北亚国家政治、经济、文化等诸多层面,因此围绕战争对当代中日关系影响的研究,除使用传统的实证史学、比较史学等方法外,还多运用现代化理论、国际关系学、地缘政治学等相关专业理论进行了交叉研究。此次会议展示了国内学界有关甲午战争研究的最新成果,对处理当代中日关系亦提供了有益的借鉴。     

Domestic–External Linkages and the Cold War in 1953 and 1989: Using International Relations Theory and Comparative Politics to Explain the End of the Cold War

Drawing on theories of international relations (IR) and comparative politics, this article explains why the cold war ended in 1989 rather than 1953. Numerous scholars have used IR theory to discuss the end of the cold war, but most of the circumstances they highlight were also present in the spring of 1953, right after the death of Joseph Stalin. This article presents three broad theoretical approaches that deal with the connection between domestic politics and international relations, and it then shows how these approaches can help us understand the similarities and differences between 1953 and 1989. In particular, the article emphasises the importance of time. In the spring of 1953, the window of opportunity was very brief—only a few months, which was insufficient for the two main cold war antagonists to overcome their deeply entrenched suspicions and make far-reaching adjustments in their policies. In the latter half of the 1980s, by contrast, the sweeping reorientation of east–west relations occurred over several years, giving policy-makers on both sides sufficient leeway to adapt and to 'learn' new ways of interacting.     

Article 5: Permanent Neutrality in The Tartu Peace Treaty, 1920

The article argues for the need to develop more multicausal accounts of international relations. It uses the Estonian–Russian political crisis over the relocation of the Bronze Soldier monument in 2007 as a case in point, showing how the ideational, material and institutional structures within the wider international society interact. As such, even cases with clear identity-political root causes can benefit from other factors being inserted into the equation when it comes to analysis. The article concludes by arguing that it is only by embracing multicausality that our chances of arriving at fuller and consequently more truthlike accounts of the events out there are improved.     

Civil-Military Affairs and Security Institutions in the Southern Cone: The Sources of Argentine-Brazilian Nuclear Cooperation

This paper analyzes the conditions in which the governments of Argentina and Brazil founded security institutions in the early 1990s, while they were democratizing. It advances the hypothesis that international cooperation in the security field is often linked to the evolution of civil-military relations. Civilian leaders in both countries established institutions and sought international participation deliberately to achieve civilian control and gain leverage over the military establishment, which they sorely distrusted. The need to stabilize civil-military relations at home was therefore the prime motivating force behind the emergence of security institutions in the Southern Cone. Three mechanisms were at work: omnibalancing, policy handling, and managing uncertainty. These mechanisms are derived from three different schools of thought: realism, organizational-bureaucratic models, and theories of domestic political institutions. Besides explaining the sources of nuclear bilateral cooperation, this argument also serves as a critique of two prominent theories in international relations that attempt to explain cooperation and peaceful relations among democracies: neoliberal insti-tutionalism and democratic peace theory.     

Liberal International Theory and Imagining the End of the Cold War

Liberal international theory foresaw neither the end of the east–west rivalry nor the fall of the Soviet Union. However, from the 1960s up through the 1980s, several liberal international theorists put forward insightful analyses of the evolution of the cold war, its changing importance in world affairs and the problems that increasingly confronted the Soviet Union. Well before the fall of the Berlin Wall, several liberal international writers sensed that the cold war was abating, that this abatement was important for world politics and that the Soviet Union was having serious problems in maintaining its status as a superpower with an Eastern European empire.     

Jihad: a South African perspective

The India, Brazil and South Africa Dialogue Forum (IBSA) established in 2003 brings together three like-minded, democratic, market economies of multi-cultural and multi-ethnic character, sharing a broadly similar economic, political and development situation. At the time of its formation IBSA was widely regarded as representing a novel form of South-South cooperation, transcending older models rooted in the logic of North-South confrontation in the post-colonial, Cold War world. However, now, as the respective countries prepare for their tenth anniversary summit in India, the forum seems to face a growing sense of irrelevance, perhaps even an existential crisis. There has been a proliferation of other forums—notably BRICS and the G20—which means that IBSA needs to differentiate itself if it is to endure. This paper suggests a common vision for IBSA, based on the concept of international liberalism, implying an open international market, well-regulated capital markets and tailored domestic policies such as social policy, health policy and education policy, may well increase the weight IBSA can gain in different international forums.     

International politics in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century central Asia: beyond anarchy in international-relations theory

Using historical analysis of relations between city-states and other international actors in Central Asia during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, this article evaluates new structural theories of international politics, chiefly those of David Lake and Jack Donnelly. Pre-colonial Central Asia offers a usefully tough case for structural theories, since it so little resembles the modern international order that these theories were developed to describe. Empirically, the article proceeds by evaluating the region's city-states' relations with three groups of actors: one another; neighbouring empires; and the many non-state actors present at the time. It concludes with an assessment of the merits of the new structuralisms, and a discussion of their value for constructivist international-relations theories of international change.     

Together again: reuniting political theory and international relations theory

This state of the discipline article discusses a body of recent literature that seeks to reunite political theory and international relations theory. It briefly explores some of the factors and explanations that led to a divorce between the sub-fields of PT and IR. The article proceeds to review work that seeks to bridge the dichotomy that came to define the relationship between these two academic fields of study. By examining literature in the area of normative theory, democratic theory and that falling under the rubric of identity and difference, the article attempts to demonstrate that an effort is under way to reunite political theory and international relations theory.     

可持续发展位:当代国际关系研究的新视角

研究视角的选择对于国际关系理论的构建具有重要的意义.在新的时代背景下,由生态位发展而来的可持续发展位可作为当代国际关系研究的新视角.可持续发展位有其特定的内涵,它与综合国力、国家权力、国家利益和国家的国际地位有着密切联系,但又存在着重大区别.可持续发展位对当代国际关系研究具有十分重要的理论意义和现实意义.     

The discipline of international relations: still an American social science?

This article reviews the state of the discipline of international relations. It starts from statements made by the editors in their editorial published in the first issue of this journal. The editors noted that there seemed to have been less adherence to positivism in international relations than in other areas of political science and that there was both more opposition to positivism and more methodological and epistemological openness in international relations than in political science generally. The article outlines the current state of the field, focusing on the rationalist mainstream and then on the reflectivist alternatives, before looking at social constructivism, seeing it as the likely acceptable alternative to rationalism in the mainstream literature of the next decade. It then turns to examine whether international relations is still an American social science, before looking at the situation in the United Kingdom. It concludes that the editors' comments were indeed accurate, but that the fact that there is both more opposition to positivism in international relations and more openness in the UK academic community does not mean that the mainstream US literature is anything like as open or pluralist. The UK community is indeed more able to develop theory relevant to the globalised world at the new millennium, but the US academic community still dominates the discipline.