法治是反腐倡廉之本

本文提出反腐败是个法律问题,并从腐败的特点和规律、我党发展的历史经验,以及从我国国家和法的性质上阐明了法治是反腐倡廉之本。所以说:腐败并不可怕,可怕的是反腐败的方法是否正确,只要我们有正确的态度,用正确的方法,腐败问题就一定能够解决。既然反腐败是个法律问题,我们就应当用法律手段来解决,也就是要依靠法治反腐败。因“法治”能从根本上预防、限止和杜绝权力的滥用。     

反腐败的法律思考

腐败现象一直是我国社会痛心疾首的社会问题，随着我国经济的发展，腐败现象呈现出新的特点：分布和蔓延范围更广，牵涉到的领域更广，跨国腐败案件日益增多等。这些新特点的出现使反腐败工作更加艰难。本文主要研究国家工作人员腐败。丈中对腐败的现象和特点进行了分析，对我国目前国内腐败做了简要介绍，并对国外廉政国家反腐败的法律措施作了介绍，借鉴这些廉政国家的反腐败法律经验，对我国反腐败提出些许建议，以期从法律上更好地预防和控制腐败行为。     

韩国反腐败法述评——附:韩国《关于腐败防止与国民权益委员会设立运营法》

韩国关注腐败问题并且大力打击腐败行为始于20世纪90年代,至今,韩国相继制定了《腐败防止法》、《公务员行为守则法》、《公职人员伦理法》、《公益举报人保护法》以及《关于腐败防止与国民权益委员会设立运营法》等相关法律,以推动反腐败法制的构建.总体而言,韩国的反腐败法制在近十多年取得一定成效,不仅对较多官员、公职人员进行了处罚,包括对全斗焕、卢泰愚等前总统的审判,还加大对现代、三星和SK集团等等企业腐败行为的处罚力度.从韩国社会来看,民众对于反腐败的评价指数也在逐步提高.但是,韩国仍需从多方面加强构筑国家的反腐败机制,并提高推行反腐败政策的效率.     

国际组织反腐举措(二) 联合国开发计划署的反腐败框架

腐败意味着国家管理出现问题,意味着管理国家与公众关系的制度、机制被一些公职人员个人或某些利益群体用以中饱私囊,危及社会稳定与社会安全,破坏民主与道德,阻碍社会、政治、经济的发展。意识到腐败问题的严重性和反腐败运动的必要性,联合国大会于1997年1月28日通过决议要求秘书长协助各成员国制定预防和控制腐败的政策策略。该次大会后,联合国开发计划署(UNDP)提出一系列解决腐败问题的思路,“腐败与善治”即是联合国提出的反腐败工作框架,这一世界最大、影响最广的国际组织视腐败为治理不善,将善治理念引入反腐败领域。联合国开发计划…     

巴西：依法打击腐败的新利器

2013年6月，一巴西持续爆发的大规模反腐示威游行，凸显了巴西社会对于腐败问题的深恶痛绝。同拉美大多数国家一样，巴西也深受腐败问题之困扰，政府机构中，频频爆出各类腐败丑闻。为了严厉打击腐败行为，并尽快消除示威游行所带来的负面影响，巴西国会以罕见的速度，在一个多月时间内就通过了一部用于严惩腐败的《反商业贿赂法》。该部法律的出台，标志着巴西首次以法律形式对腐败问题进行依法打击。     

对中国腐败问题的深层解构--一个多维视野下的范式和悖论

由于诸多的原因,关于腐败的诸多问题仍然没有得到廓清,对其中一些实质性问题,尤其缺乏实证的研究和深层的探讨。学界似乎因为腐败问题的“马肝式”因素而陷入了一个人为的无知之幕,①这是一个行为选择偏离认知理性的悖论。理论理性的缺席与我国目前腐败发展的严峻形势和腐败控制的迫切需要极不相称,也是人们对腐败问题出现认识偏差以及腐败控制效能阙如的重要原因。笔者拟从政治、法律、社会等多维视角入手,对我国腐败问题作一粗浅的证伪和求解。     

职务犯罪侦查中现存的困难、原因及突破探析

贪污贿赂作为腐败问题的主要表现,对社会经济的发展和和谐社会的建设构成了极大的威胁,是社会不稳定的重要隐患。检察机关作为国家法律监督机关,是党和国家反腐败斗争的一支重要力量,尤其是在当前腐败问题易发、高发、多发的关键时期,检察机关应当加强对职务犯罪的查处力度。然而,在实际的职务犯罪侦查中却存在着很多的困难和问题,这给职务犯罪侦查工作的开展带来了很大的困难,严重影响了反腐败斗争的顺利进行。     

检察机关在反腐败斗争中急需解决的几个问题

腐败是一种复杂的历史现象．也是跨越时空的社会问题，当前我国改革已进入关键时期，经济飞速向前发展，但巾于社会整治力减弱，贪污、贿赂等腐败问题愈加突出，根治腐败这一社会瘤疾，已成为当务之急。而寻求正确解决这一问题的途径更是刻不容缓。邓小平同志早就指出，反腐败“要靠法制”，检察机关做为国家的法律监督机关在反腐败斗争中担负着不可推卸的历史重任。在过去的几年中，各级检察机关依法履行职责，严际打击了贪污、贿赂等各类犯罪，为反腐败斗争取得阶段性成果立下了不可磨灭的功勋‘但是距党和人民要求的彻底制止腐败的滋生和…     

浅谈产生腐败的人性原因

腐败问题在当今中国越演越烈,随之,反腐败问题也就成了中国政府的首要任务。为了更加有效地抑制腐败问题,对于产生腐败的人性原因进行分析才是重中之重。本文运用历史唯物主义的方法,试图从人性的角度,分析腐败产生的人性根源。通过对腐败原因的人性分析,加强公众教育,对政府行政监督,为政府综合性监督治理提供理论依据,特别是从"以人为本"的角度来建构依法和以德治国的反腐败的基本模式,从而为构建社会主义和谐社会服务。     

必须坚持以零容忍态度惩治腐败

正腐败是社会毒瘤,如果任凭腐败问题愈演愈烈,最终必然导致亡党亡国。坚决反对腐败,防止党在长期执政条件下腐化变质,是我们党必须抓好的重大政治任务。坚持以零容忍态度惩治腐败,要求我们必须坚持"老虎"、"苍蝇"一起打,不断加大办案工作力度,坚决把党风廉政建设和反腐败斗争进行到底:必须坚持抓早抓小,治病救人;必须严明审查纪律,不断加强办案安全工作:必须用法治思维和法治方式反对腐败,不断推进反腐败斗争的制度化、规范化。     

China’s anti-graft campaign and international anti-corruption norms: Towards a “new international anti-corruption order”?

This article analyzes the growing impact of an increasingly powerful China on the evolution of norms governing the global fight against corruption. Combining insights into the diffusion of anti-corruption norms and China’s ‘two-way socialization’ into the international order with an analysis of the Chinese leadership’s internationalized anti-corruption campaign, it argues that China’s active involvement in the international fight against corruption is bound to challenge prevailing international ‘definitions’ and ‘solutions’ of corruption. Despite the considerable attention to supposed incompatibilities between ‘culturally insensitive’ Western anti-corruption efforts and conflicting Chinese cultural norms, the actual ‘China challenge’ to the international anti-corruption regime is much less a cultural than a political one. While China’s formal-legal anti-corruption system has been receptive to international socialization, China’s own contributions to international norm making are defined by the Party’s top-level leadership, which promotes a different set of anti-corruption norms. However, a coherent alternative ‘Chinese model’ of anti-corruption, akin to the globally propagated ‘China path’ for economic development and poverty reduction, is not yet in sight.     

Difficulties Confronted by ICSID Tribunals in Deciding International Investment Corruption Cases and Possible Solutions

The issue of corruption has attracted increasing attention in the study and practice of international investment law during recent years. After taking prudent consideration of the corruption defense invoked by the host states in some international investment arbitration cases involved with corruption, International Center for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID) tribunals accordingly determined the final awards. However, some parts of the arbitral jurisprudence aroused strong criticism, especially with regard to the ICSID tribunals’ reasoning that arbitrators have no jurisdiction over corruption-tainted international investments. The ICSID tribunals are legitimately supposed to exercise their jurisdiction and are lawfully obliged to probe into the nature of corrupt activities. The tribunals are strongly expected to adopt a balanced approach in deciding the merits and fairly weighing the obligations, rights, and interests of both disputing parties. It is preferable to strengthen the collaborative interaction between ICSID proceedings and domestic anti-corruption enforcement mechanisms when it comes to combating corrupt international investment activities. Existing international treaties (or specific treaty provisions) on combating corruption in international business transactions and calling for international cooperation, alongside domestic anti-corruption enforcement legislation, have actually laid solid legal foundations for the establishment of such an anti-corruption coordinative mechanism between ICSID and domestic corruption regulatory authorities on the global level.     

职务犯罪特别侦查权探究——以检察机关侦查权的优化为视角

近年来,职务犯罪始终处于易发高发态势,虽然检察机关运用职务犯罪侦查权有力地打击了腐败现象,但由于我国尚未制定专门的反腐败法律,检察机关的职务犯罪侦查权存在诸多缺失,难以适应打击职务犯罪的需要,在一定程度上影响和制约了反腐败工作的深入开展,这与党的要求和民众的期望尚有不小的距离。借鉴国外的职务犯罪特别侦查权,赋予我国检察机关职务犯罪特别侦查权,并对其加以程序控制,才能更有力地打击职务犯罪。     

The limitations of neoliberal logic in the anti-corruption industry: Lessons from Papua New Guinea

To acknowledge concerns about the rising power of the private sector, key international anti-corruption organisations have supported initiatives that emphasise the role that businesses play in corruption. Yet the way these initiatives have impacted the practices and perceptions of anti-corruption organisations in developing countries has received scant attention. As businesses can be key perpetrators of corruption, understanding the way anti-corruption organisations respond to the private sector can highlight the efficacy of anti-corruption efforts. Drawing on interviews with anti-corruption policy makers in Papua New Guinea (PNG) conducted between 2008 and 2009, this article shows how two international anti-corruption organisations perceived and worked with the private sector. It finds that there have been some initiatives designed to address, and raise awareness about private sector corruption in the country, reflecting international trends. At the same time the private sector is viewed, often uncritically, as an anti-corruption champion; this has affected the way anti-corruption organisations engage with businesses operating in the country. This article argues that despite a change in international discourse about the private sector’s role in corruption, in developing countries like PNG, neoliberal logic about the nature of the state still guide anti-corruption activity. These findings have implications for the efficacy of international anti-corruption efforts.     

为什么不能将性贿赂犯罪化?

近年来有不少学者和人大代表仅从性贿赂的危害性角度提议性贿赂入罪,是对刑事立法规律的不理解所导致的。性贿赂立法在国际反腐败公约中没有要求,在国外立法中没有先例,在我国不能将性贿赂入罪,因为将性贿赂入罪会因为认定上的困难而导致司法上的混乱。不将性贿赂犯罪化,但可以通过其他方式监督性贿赂、防止官员腐败。     

权力腐败的法理透析

坚决惩治权力腐败和有效预防权力腐败,关系人心向背和党的生死存亡,这一重大课题始终是我们党和国家面临的重大政治任务。权力腐败是权力的权利化和权力的非责任化,因为权力时刻存在着走向腐败的可能性,权力具有私欲性,权力具有可交换性,权力具有不平等性。权力腐败的本质是剥削,其法律属性与民本、民生、和谐社会、核心价值体系完全相悖。要充分认识反腐倡廉建设的战略意义,充分认识反腐败斗争的长期性、复杂性和艰巨性。     

清除腐败赖品德———兼论法律作用的有限性

腐败有掌权者腐败和机构腐败之分。掌权者腐败具有“行为的个别性”和“明显的不合理性”的特点。机构腐败也有两个显著特点：（1）它是机关行为或一定权力系统的行为,没有具体的责任人;（2）它的不合理性不十分明显,人们对它常常不能形成稳定一致的是非评价。由于腐败与执法的同源性、权力的不受惩罚性、反腐败的法令只能由不腐败的权力创制等原因,对腐败无法像对其他犯罪那样通过严格执法来实现治理目标。在民主政治下,根治腐败的根本出路是贯彻品德原则,建立对官员的品德评价系统。品德评价系统是依据品德标准对公职人员实施辞退、罢免、撤换的政治评价系统。这个系统由执法权自洁系统、监督系统和以公众为力量源泉的基础系统等构成。     

From global problems to international norms: what does the social construction of a global corruption problem tell us about the emergence of an international anti-corruption norm

This article examines the ontological contestation that is inherent to the emergence of an international anti-corruption norm. First, the article briefly analyses the compatibility of an agenda on the social construction of problems from sociology and the well-established study of norms in constructivist IR. It argues that an analytical shift from the study of norms to the social construction of problems can shed light on the power relations that underlie international norms, and corruption in particular. The article traces the emergence of a global corruption problem up to the early 2000s when scholars have traditionally placed the establishment of an international anti-corruption norm. It first shows the contestation of corruption as a global issue on the level of problem definition, and then, it shows the role of venue shopping and venue shifting in the diffusion of anti-corruption talks and the norm cascade of the 1990s. The article concludes with an analysis of how the social construction of problems challenges the conventional approach of the emergence of an international anti-corruption norm.     

Sugar coated bullets: Corruption and the new economic order in China

The recent political debate concerning the influence of corruption on the new economic order in the People's Republic of China is unique not only for its detailed and public manifestations, but also because it works around the acceptance of some degree of corporate private ownership of the means of production within China. The concern for corruption in Chinese government and commerce is not, of itself, novel.We prefer in this paper briefly to focus on the economic and political environment from within which this concern has been generated, to comment on the significance for the Government of the PRC in associating the pall of corruption with the undermining of more capitalist economic reform, and then to examine how the legal definitions and controls on corruption have been transformed to complement a new political agenda. Associated with this, it has been necessary to advance some rather tentative predictions concerning the development of new anti-corruption initiatives in the PRC, their justifications, and pressures on the economic transition which is said to be corruption generative.Speculation about the future face of economic corruption in China is of limited value when one is interested in questions of regulation and control. As the definition, indication and interpretation of corruption is a political process which may pay little regard to realistic indicators, so too the creation of control initiatives may not be dependent on predictions of actual developments in graft. We have endeavoured to show that recent regulatory programmes in the PRC themselves indicate much about the commercial contradictions that underly the new economic order, as well as evidencing the socio-legal dilemmas inherent in anti-corruption official discourse.