共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
George Crowder 《Society》2008,45(3):247-252
I agree with Roger Sandall’s opposition to the ‘culture cult’ in broad outline, but wish to register three reservations. First,
he is too sweeping in apparently attacking the whole of ‘multiculturalism’, and unfair in condemning claims on the basis of
the motives allegedly behind them. Second, his relativist interpretation of Berlin and Herder needs qualification, since their
work also contains the idea of value pluralism, which should be distinguished from relativism. Third, the political implications
of pluralism support a commitment to liberal universalism and liberal multiculturalism, which may not be far removed from
Sandall’s own position.
相似文献
George CrowderEmail: |
2.
The Age of Geoeconomics, China’s Global Role, and Prospects of Cross-Strait Integration 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
James C. Hsiung 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2009,14(2):113-133
After noting the rise of geoeconomics in the post-Cold War era, the paper ascertains how the age of geoeconomics re-defines
power and the rules of the balance of power game. Of particular significance is that a nation’s economic security eclipses
its military security (or traditional national defense). In this context, I examine the meanings of the rise of a re-ascendant
China for world politics in general and for Taiwan’s future in particular. Considering Taiwan’s heavy dependence on imported
natural resources and its isolation and exclusion from vital international economic groupings, such as FTA’s. ASEAN, ASEM,
and the 16-nation Asian super economic bloc in the marking. Finally, I take a prospective look at the prospect of a future
cross-Strait integration between Taiwan and mainland China under the impact of the dictate of geoeconomics.
James C. Hsiung is Professor of Politics, at New York University, in New York, N.Y. His teaching and research interests are in international politics theory, international governance, international law, and international relations of Asia. 相似文献
James C. HsiungEmail: |
James C. Hsiung is Professor of Politics, at New York University, in New York, N.Y. His teaching and research interests are in international politics theory, international governance, international law, and international relations of Asia. 相似文献
3.
Anton Oleinik 《Society》2008,45(3):288-293
The experience of Soviet involvement in Afghanistan (1979–1989) is considered through the prism of institutional transfers.
Afghanistan has a long history of attempts to implement Muslim, Soviet and Anglo-Saxon institutional designs. Most of them
have failed. This failure can be attributed to the lack of ‘elective affinity’ between traditional and new institutions imported
from more developed countries. It is argued that a careful examination of the degree of elective affinity must precede any
attempt of institutional transfers. An analysis of Ph.D. dissertations defended by Afghan students at Soviet and Russian universities
complements logical arguments and references to historical facts.
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Anton OleinikEmail: |
4.
Eileen R. Meehan 《Society》2008,45(4):338-341
Tourism has long figured in municipal and state-wide plans for economic development and revitalization. Such plans often articulate
themes subsequently used to organize tours, advertising campaigns, and merchandising. In the 1990s, some residents of Roswell,
New Mexico, tried to build tourism using typical southwestern themes. Others capitalized on Roswell’s unique association with
an alleged crash of an extraterrestrial craft. Early support from the New Mexico Tourism Department (NMTD) facilitated the
success of Roswell’s UFO-based tourism. In 2007, NMTD launched its own alien-based advertising campaign promoting New Mexico
as a tourist destination.
相似文献
Eileen R. MeehanEmail: |
5.
Robert Dingwall 《Society》2009,46(3):247-249
‘Social precognition’ is the forerunner of new developments in science and technology such as extended life or immortality.
While life-extension may have been neglected by philosophers or social scientists, it has been explored in depth by creative
writers. They underline the threat of new kinds of inequality and of the conservatism of a society that protects the interests
of the long-lived. They also question the quality of a longer life as likely to be lonely and empty rather than wise, peaceful
and fulfilled.
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Robert DingwallEmail: |
6.
Alexander Brown 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(4):435-464
This article considers whether or not there are any global egalitarian rights through a critical examination of the political
philosophy of Ronald Dworkin. Although Dworkin maintains that equal concern is the special and indispensable virtue of sovereigns
and the hallmark of a fraternal political community, it is far from obvious whether the demands of equality stop at state
borders. While some scholars in the field—most notably Thomas Pogge—posit the existence of negative rights in relation to
social and economic inequalities at the global level, here I try to defend the existence of positive global egalitarian rights
by appealing to Dworkin’s own two principles of ethical individualism. I also set out the framework for a version of what
I call global luck egalitarianism based on Dworkin’s equality of resources and try to respond to David Miller’s charge that
comparative principles of justice do not apply at the global level.
相似文献
Alexander BrownEmail: |
7.
Based on examples of socialist heroes from East German schoolbooks and teaching guides designed for elementary school, this
essay examines the role of state ideology in primary education. It assesses the German curriculum of the now-defunct German
Democratic Republic (GDR) and illuminates distinctions between civic education and political propaganda. It also shows how
the curricular emphasis on socialist virtue helped to form “the socialist personality.”
相似文献
John RoddenEmail: |
8.
Laura Ymayo Tartakoff 《Society》2008,45(4):363-367
A law school dean, a university president, a scholarly judge, and the head of the Foreign Ministry division in charge of Chile’s
frontiers agree: The Constitution of 1980 was the initial turning point in Chile’s transition from autocracy to pluralism.
相似文献
Laura Ymayo TartakoffEmail: |
9.
‘Opening up’ policy to reflexive appraisal: a role for Q Methodology? A case study of fire management in Cape York,Australia 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
David G. Ockwell 《Policy Sciences》2008,41(4):263-292
Recent decades have witnessed increasing attention in theory and practice to participatory approaches to policy appraisal,
in part due to the potential of such approaches to facilitate reflexive policy appraisal. It has been observed, however, that
in practice these approaches are often as prone as traditional, non-participatory appraisal techniques to being limited in
the extent to which that can achieve reflexivity e.g. due to the influence of interests and power and problems of representation.
This article explores the extent to which Q Methodology, or ‘Q’, can play a role in ‘opening up’ (Stirling Science, Technology & Human Values, 33, 262–294, 2008) policy to reflexive appraisal. A Q study of fire management discourses in Cape York, northern Australia is
presented which exposes the existence of four key discourses in the region: discourse A—rational fire management; discourse
B—fire-free conservation; discourse C—pragmatic, locally controlled burning; and discourse D—indigenous controlled land management.
At present only discourses A and C are reflected in policy. Appraising existing policy on the basis of the different constructions
articulated by discourses B and D of the purpose of and practices involved in fire management, is successful in opening up
existing policy to reflexive appraisal. In the face of considerable scientific uncertainty as to the ecological impacts of
different burning regimes in northern Australia, this process of opening up has important potential for appraising the social
desirability of existing policy and practice in the region. This analysis provides a practical demonstration of the wider
potential of Q Methodology in opening up other important contemporary policy issues to reflexive appraisal. It also provides
the basis for recommending the expansion of participatory processes for facilitating stakeholder engagement in fire management
policy and practice in Cape York.
相似文献
David G. OckwellEmail: |
10.
Renée C. Fox Victor M. Lidz Helen E. Sheehan Barrett P. Brenton Heike Thiel de Bocanegra 《Society》2009,46(4):308-318
Based on first-hand qualitative research, this article describes and analyzes the significant role that a local, New York
City-based social service agency played in responding to 9/11; the sources of its notable ability to provide assistance to
individuals and families affected by this terrorist attack; and the structural strains and unanticipated divisions within
the agency that the heroism of its fervid engagement nevertheless engendered.
相似文献
Renée C. FoxEmail: |
11.
Sandall’s complaint that the Enlightenment is in danger is not new as it repeats a long standing complaint about “the betrayal
of the intellectuals”. But the danger today is not from either the Muslim world or from the marginalized academics who pursue
an anti-liberal multicultural agenda that belittles the Western liberal tradition. In the United States the menace comes from
the much more powerful far right that has abandoned America’s Enlightenment tradition. It is time for academics to start teaching
students what that tradition is all about, and why it needs to be defended, but spreading fear about weak and divided Muslim
societies is not the way.
相似文献
Daniel ChirotEmail: |
12.
Alan Rubenstein 《Society》2009,46(2):160-167
Hans Jonas was a philosopher who looked nihilism in the eye and courageously stood his ground. He did so by volunteering to
serve against the Nazis in World War II, by discovering the links to nihilism in his thought of his teacher Martin Heidegger
and by developing a novel philosophy of nature that took its lessons from both Aristotle and Darwin. Jonas’s philosophy of
organic nature – his rehabilitation of the soul as a relevant notion for biology – provided prescient insights for the still
developing fields of bioethics and environmental ethics.
相似文献
Alan RubensteinEmail: |
13.
Daniel J. Mahoney 《Society》2009,46(1):12-20
The French political thinker Raymond Aron (1905–1983) provides the imitable model of the political philosopher as civic educator.
Writing in an age of extreme ideological polarization, he aimed at a truly balanced approach to historical and political understanding.
In a series of writings from the late 1930’s onward, Aron defended a principled middle way between Machiavellian cynicism
and the “abstract moralism” so evident in the public engagement of modern intellectuals. Aron argued for the renewal of liberalism
on the foundation of a broad-based “democratic conservatism” and displayed remarkable lucidity regarding the totalitarian
temptation. This paper explores this distinctive notion of “democratic conservatism”—equally distant from revolutionary romanticism
and reactionary nostalgia—that guided Aron’s public engagement over a fifty-year period and that was central to his idea of
the political responsibility of intellectuals.
相似文献
Daniel J. MahoneyEmail: |
14.
Robert Carle 《Society》2008,45(2):181-190
In the 1980s, Britain’s Labour Party promoted a system of race-relations that envisioned Britain as a collection of discrete
cultures with equal status. This multicultural model for organizing society conflicted with traditional British notions of
a unified national culture, with an assimilationist model of immigrant incorporation. Today, the Labour Party’s relationship
with Islamists is sharply dividing Labour’s “rainbow” constituency. Whereas the horrific events of 9/11 and 7/7 have led many
Labour leaders to replace its defense of multiculturalism with Tory-sounding calls for immigrant assimilation, other Labour
leaders are working harder than ever to accommodate their Muslim constituents.
相似文献
Robert CarleEmail: |
15.
This paper explores whether an individual’s news source can explain their attitudes on immigration. We focus on the Spanish-speaking
population in the U.S., since they have the option of accessing their news in English, Spanish or in both languages. Our audience influence hypothesis predicts that Spanish-language news will cover immigration in a more positive and informative manner than will English-language
news. Thus, Latinos who use Spanish-language news may have a higher likelihood of possessing pro-immigrant sentiments than
Latinos who only use English-language news. Content analysis of Spanish and English-language television news segments reveals
variations in the tone and substance of these news outlets. Analysis of Latino survey respondents indicates that immigration
attitudes vary by news source. Generational status also influences Latinos’ immigration attitudes, though its impact is not
as great as one’s news source.
相似文献
Simran SinghEmail: |
16.
Mark N. Katz 《Society》2008,45(2):177-180
This article compares Moscow’s and Washington’s foreign policies toward the Middle East in 1982 and 2008. In 1982, Moscow
and Washington each had a distinct set of friends and foes. In 2008, Washington still has a distinct set of friends and foes,
but Moscow has relatively good relations with all governments and most major opposition movements in the region—the only exceptions
being Al Qaeda and its affiliates. It is argued that Putin’s policy toward the Middle East is not really aimed at displacing
the U.S. in the region, but protecting Russia and Russian interests from Al Qaeda and its allies. Indeed, a continued American
presence in the region serves to protect Russian interests in the region.
相似文献
Mark N. KatzEmail: |
17.
Daniel Chirot 《Society》2008,45(5):425-428
The next president of the USA will surely correct some of the Bush administration’s most egregious policy errors, particularly
its gross insensitivity to the rest of the world’s opinions and its extreme bellicosity. To restore trust in American, and
to strengthen national security, better diplomacy will be necessary. Strengthening a demoralized and nearly dysfunctional
State Department by acknowledging the vital role foreign area experts must play will have to be a major part of the new administration’s
policy.
相似文献
Daniel ChirotEmail: |
18.
Peter Augustine Lawler 《Society》2009,46(3):227-231
Callahan is wrong to be pro-death, but he’s right to say that to live well—or for society to have a real future—we have to
care about more than mere life. Futile attempts to stop the pursuit of extreme personal prolongevity are contrary to our rights-based
way of life. It’s also contrary to human love and dignity to regard the old as a threat.
相似文献
Peter Augustine LawlerEmail: |
19.
Robert L. Jackson 《Society》2008,45(1):20-29
Over the past year, several published volumes have argued that American politics is careening out of control, toward a slippery
slope of twenty-first century theocracy. Most of these books present tendentious interpretations of contemporary politics
as matter-of-fact analysis. The reader is assumed to hold the same interpretive bias and warned of the dangers of a new and
powerful American “fundamentalism.” The current article explores a historical parallel to today’s trend. Nearly a century
ago, the Progressive Education movement sought to undermine the pedagogical dominance of traditional, literature-based education,
preferring a more socially-conscious curriculum. The striking similarities between John Dewey’s anti-traditional approach
and the present-day anti-theocracy faction are multitude—and worth our consideration. The seeds of Progressive Education are
now producing weeds of anti-religious sentiment across America’s political landscape—a cultural phenomena that is constricting
the growth of a much needed civil discourse.
相似文献
Robert L. JacksonEmail: |
20.
Brian D. Mc Kenzie 《Political Behavior》2008,30(1):25-45
Few studies consider how Putnam’s bridging and bonding social capital arguments apply to voluntary associations within American
minority group communities. Consequently, I examine African-American civic groups to explore Putnam’s claims about the potential
negative political effects of bonding social capital. In contrast to the bonding social capital thesis, I argue that black
communal associations encourage African-Americans to be involved in a variety of mainstream civic and political activities
that reach beyond their own group interests. Using the 1993–1994 National Black Politics Study I demonstrate that although
black organizations are predominantly composed of African-Americans and work to advance their interests, these goals are not
pursued at the expense of connecting blacks to others in the general polity.
相似文献
Brian D. Mc KenzieEmail: |