略论台湾政党政治的发展历程

台湾的政党政治源于1949年蒋介石败退台湾后实行的威权体制,最初经历了蒋氏父子时期国民党"一党独大"、"以党领政"、"以党领军"、"以党领社"的"党国一体"威权体制;进而走过李登辉执政时期政治转型、国民党分裂、党外组党、     

国民党当局对“台独”政策的演变

国民党当局对“台独”政策的演变国民党台湾当局从蒋氏父子传位给李登辉后，“台独”势力日趋发展。尤其近几年来，海内外“台独”组织不断增加，人员急剧上升，活动异常猖獗。它严重阻碍了海峡两岸关系的发展，成为破坏实现祖国和平统一的大敌。此种政局的出现，完全是台...     

评台湾“挑战2008”六年发展重点计划

根据惯例,台湾每一任“行政院长”上台之初,都要推出一套建设计划,以宣示其企图心。蒋氏父子时代如此,李登辉时代如此,陈水扁主政的2年多以来也不例外。今年5月,游锡堃接任“行政院长”不到     

试析国民党两岸政策调整

正国民党两岸政策经历了蒋氏父子的"反共复国""光复大陆"到"三民主义统一中国";李登辉明统暗"独"的"两国论";2000年至今,国民党历经连战、吴伯雄、马英九、朱立伦、洪秀柱、吴敦义、江启臣等党主席,两岸政策核心为坚持"九二共识、一中各表"。国民党两岸政策的调整与岛内外形势的发展密不可分,从本质上看,不同时期国民党的     

中国模式与国家统一(四)

正岛内有一部分人想搞台湾"独立",但真正死心塌地走台湾独立的人毕竟是极少数。李登辉可算是独派的标志性人物。但此人善变,年轻时一会儿说是日本人,一会儿又说是中国人;他可以加入中国共产党,又可以叛变共产党,加入国民党;他鼓吹"两国论",企图分裂中国,前几年又说他从来没有主张台湾独立,还想访问大陆。陈水扁同李登辉在台独政治上有"父子     

“两国论”就是“叛国论”

1999年7月9日,李登辉在接受"德国之声"的采访时,公然将两岸关系定位为"国家与国家,至少是特殊的国与国的关系"。李登辉的这一"两国论",是彻头彻尾的背叛祖国、背叛中华民族的"叛国论"。我们说李登辉的"两国论"就是"叛国论",是因为它从根本上背叛了"一个中国"的原则。众所周知,台湾自古以来就是中国领土不可分割的一部分。早在13世纪中叶,台湾正式纳入中国版图。1885年,台湾正式成为中国的一个省。1895年4月清政府因甲午战争失败被迫与日本签订了《马关条     

溪口：蒋氏子孙回乡路

1949年4月25日，蒋氏父子离开故乡溪口后，家乡成了蒋氏家族子孙后代心中永远的牵绊，半个多世纪以来，在台湾的蒋氏子孙无不牵挂、期盼能够回乡谒祖认亲。1993年，时隔44年之后，蒋介石长孙蒋孝文的妻子徐乃锦成为第一个回溪口老家的蒋氏后人。之后，16年间，蒋氏后人陆续回乡谒祖。     

我是台湾人更是中国人(三)

正"台独"洗脑的历史教育1988年1月13日,蒋经国过世,身为副手的李登辉依法接任"总统",台湾从此开始12年的"李登辉时代"。原来,李登辉接任"总统"后,是否同时身兼国民党主席,蒋夫人宋美龄曾表示过意见,但在国民党大佬们的各自盘算下,李登辉成了     

《蒋介石父子1949危机档案》

正现代出版社出版定价:38.00元20世纪30年代末,蒋介石从苏联接回蒋经国,费尽心思安排他当接班人。蒋经国从在赣南实验"小苏联",到"上海打老虎"引发家族风暴,初涉政坛频频受挫。解放战争中,国民党军队节节败退。国内经济上,通货膨胀日益严重,"金圆券政策"拖垮了国民党政府。1948年至1949年,国民党兵败如山倒,蒋氏父子带走故宫国宝与国库黄金,以台湾作为负隅顽抗的"复兴基地"……     

两岸关系紧张的根源

自李登辉执政以来,伴随着台湾岛内外政治生态的发展变化,台湾当局的内外政策也在不断变化调整之中。其对外政策一反过去的蒋氏父子时期“汉贼不两立”和很少“主动出击”的传统,逐渐发展演化出现在的“务实外交”政策。“务实外交”经历了一个由暗转明、日益公开化的过程,活动的层次逐步升级,活动区域也渐渐扩张至全球各地,并力图挤进各种国际组织,近两年更以“加入联合国”为主要诉求;活动方式更是不择手段,花样繁多。“务实外交”推行的结果给两岸关系的正常发展以极大的直接负面冲击,并成为现阶段两岸发生直接冲突的主要原因。现今两岸关系紧张的直接原因,就是去年6月初李登辉访美事件的发生。     

试论国家语境下的民族政策价值取向

国家语境下的民族认同利益,首先表现于民族国家的利益,这种利益通过民族政策体现出来。每个国家的民族政策都有自己的特色,每种民族政策都蕴含着或体现着一定的价值取向。民族政策价值取向实质上是政策主体价值取向的外在表现。国家的民族政策是否成功,一般取决于两个因素:一个是民族政策的合理性;另一个是民族政策是否得到有效的实施。只有政策主体对国内的民族构成和民族关系的性质、地位、发展趋势等有深刻的认识,而且价值取向合理,能够将民族的局部利益同国家的整体利益结合起来,将眼前利益同长远利益结合起来,才有可能制定出科学、合理的民族政策。而政策是否能够得到不折不扣地实施,关键在于政策执行者对政策的理解、行政的效率和所能支配的政策资源数量。研究国家语境下的民族政策价值取向,把握民族国家的精神实质和基本的政策倾向,重视多民族国家认同利益的政策关照,是促进民族平等团结互助和谐的重要举措。     

"三个代表"与民族精神

民族精神是民族意识的精华、民族赖以生存和发展的支柱,具有整体性、认同性、稳定性、凝聚性、延续性和先进性的特征。中华民族精神的基点是"自强不息"与"厚德载物"。以江泽民同志为代表的党的第三代领导集体提出的"三个代表"重要思想,使中华民族精神增添了新的内容。在全面建设小康社会的今天,中华民族精神更是增强综合国力,实现党的十六大全面小康目标的精神动力。     

试论新时期维护、照顾同盟者利益的原则

新时期中国共产党领导的爱国统一战线是一个十分广泛的联盟,尊重、维护同盟者利益历来是我们党取得革命胜利的一个重要原则。要注重以“三个代表”重要思想为指导,积极引导同盟者自觉把自身利益与整个国家和民族的利益联系在一起;制定政策来切实照顾、维护同盟者利益,特别要注意照顾同盟者的不同利益要求;把照顾、维护同盟者利益同依法治国相结合,用法律手段切实维护同盟者的利益。     

高校党建工作要注重培养学生的政治方向

党的建设是一个永久性的课题,必须与时俱进。目前,高学历党员人数直线上升,因此,在党的建设中高校党建占有越来越重要的地位。青年时代是世界观形成的关键时期。为了党的事业能够后继有人,必须把培养学生的政治方向提到党的建设的高度。高校党组织要以江泽民"三个代表"重要思想为指导,按照邓小平提出的"四有"标准和江泽民提出的"四个希望",培养出适合中国特色社会主义建设事业的新型人才。     

中华民族百年复兴史的启示--历史视角中的"三个代表"解读

江泽民“三个代表”重要思想 ,既是我们党着眼于现实需要和未来发展提出的最新理论成果 ,也是在中华民族复兴历史进程的总体把握中对我们党的理论和实践的科学总结。中国共产党成立前后 80年中华民族的沧桑巨变 ,说明了“三个代表”的重要思想不仅是我们党的执政之基、立党之本、力量之源 ,也是实现中华民族伟大复兴的魂魄所系、根本所在。     

China's Shifting Policies towards Sustainability: a low-carbon economy and environmental protection

China is currently not only the most populous country on earth, but also the world's largest greenhouse gas (GHG) emitter. As China's population growth continues contributing to the overall global population increase, the country remains a significant player in the global problems related to climate change. The Chinese government, however, has recognized that a low-carbon economy is in the country's long-term economic and social interests and this is now a key part of its national development strategy. This paper examines the evolution of policies for sustainability in China and explores their compositions, functions and operational mechanisms. Some emerging features and trends in China's development model are examined, arguing that they represent a clear shift towards sustainability. Further problems and challenges associated with this change and how they impact on China's policies and strategies are also discussed.     

A Table for Two: Jiang Zemin and the PLA

Chinese leaders make many of their most sensitive decisions away from the confines of formal bodies, and top PLA officers are involved in these informal discussions. Jiang's relationships with the military as an organization, as well as with its individual leadership, are important determinants of Chinese posturing on a host of crucial issues. Although there are certainly personal and professional differences, PLA interests do not strongly diverge from those of Jiang and the civilian leadership; they need each other to accomplish their respective goals; and Jiang has performed well to establish his authority, retaining control over the military and decision-making process. Jiang's maneuvering to secure Vice President Hu Jintao's appointment to the Central Military Commission (CMC), the implications of the appointment for Hu's relations with the PLA, and Jiang's working relations with the PLA High Command are illustrative of this fact.     

The Hong Kong Policy of the People's Republic of China, 1949-1997

China's policy toward Hong Kong in the period 1949-1997 was primarily driven by utilitarian calculations of national interests and the interests of the Chinese Communist Party. The Hong Kong policy of China, as an integral part of its foreign policy, was distinctive in that ideological fervor and nationalist passions had limited influence. The goals to be achieved by the Hong Kong policy remained unchanged throughout the period; the strategies adopted, however, changed in accordance with the changing international situation and the national interests as defined by the Chinese leaders. The primary goals of the Hong Kong policy were to secure a less threatening external political environment for China and to make calculated use of Hong Kong for China's economic development. By tolerating Hong Kong as a British colony, China also depended on Britain to control the potentially threatening anti-Communist Chinese population there. The 'over-dependence' on the British to control the Chinese people in Hong Kong on the eve of Hong Kong's reversion to China, however, alienated the Hong Kong people as well as impeded the formation of local political leaders in the territory. As a result, the acquisition of Hong Kong by China in 1997 has not been accompanied by political rapport between the Chinese government and the Hong Kong people, thus sowing seeds for lingering friction between them.     

论我党对列宁关于发展民族经济理论的升华

发展民族经济是解决民族问题的根本途径。列宁认为 ,要把发展民族经济摆在重要的位置上 ;要在财政上切实加大援助后进民族的力度 ;要扩大民族地区的对外开放 ,吸收西方国家先进文明成果和资金技术 ;要重视国家生产力布局和自然资源的合理利用问题 ;民族地区要因地制宜地发展经济 ;大民族要以对待自己的不平等来帮助少数民族发展经济。中国共产党人继承和发展了列宁的事业 ,以毛泽东、邓小平、江泽民为核心的三代党中央领导集体把列宁民族经济理论创造性地运用于多民族的中国并作出了新的发展 ,形成了有中国特色的民族经济理论和政策 ,从而大大升华了列宁思想     

Chinese nationalism,Taiwan autonomy and the prospects of a larger war

In contrast to the belief that the 1995–1996 Taiwan Straits crisis was caused by the visit of the President of Taiwan to Cornell University, in fact, the post‐Mao ruling groups in Beijing made forcing early reunification with mainland China on Taiwan a top priority soon after assuming power in 1978. This new focus on Taiwan's reunification reflects a policy switch. It is not a continuation of Mao era policies. The switch is basic. It involves a profound change in the content of Chinese nationalism from Mao era nationalism, which is seen by its critics in China as insufficiently promoting the national interests of the Chinese people. The new, post‐Mao nationalism in China not only challenges Taiwan's autonomy, it also could endanger peace in the Pacific‐Asia region. Consequently, it is important to rethink the political dynamics at work in China and in the region if the parties involved hope to avoid a larger war.