马来西亚的伊斯兰政党和组织

马来西亚是一个多种族和多宗教的国家，代表了伊斯兰国家的一种特殊经历。伊斯兰教在马来西亚为官方宗教，穆斯林人口占全国人口总数的53％。其中绝大多数为马来族人，约占全国人口的45％。其余人口由许多不同的种族和宗教团体组成，其中最大的少数民族是华族（占35％）和印度族（占10％）。很长时间以来，伊斯兰教与马来族的民族认同和政治地位是相互关联的，反映在公众的信念中即是马来族人，也就是穆斯林。马来西亚政治发展的一个显著特征是伊斯兰教在马来西亚政治中的作用。国家的三大支柱是伊斯兰教（国教）、马来语（国语）、苏丹（王…     

20世纪80年代马来西亚政府层面的伊斯兰复兴运动

20世纪80年代，面对国际上伊斯兰复兴运动的蓬勃发展和国内各界的压力，马来西亚执政党巫统选择顺应潮流，自上而下地在行政、经济、教育、法律等方面推行一系列的复兴伊斯兰政策。马来西亚政府层面的伊斯兰复兴运动提高了伊斯兰事务在国家中的作用，对马来西亚国内的政治、经济、族群关系、外交等都产生了重大影响。     

论马来西亚伊斯兰复兴运动的组织

20世纪60年代末、70年代初以来,马来西亚兴起伊斯兰复兴运动,对马来西亚的政治、经济、社会与文化发展都起着重要作用。本文通过对马来西亚伊斯兰复兴运动组织的个案研究,分析各种复兴运动组织的目标、策略和活动方式,探讨复兴运动的不同模式及其与马来西亚政治发展的关系,以加深认识伊斯兰复兴运动的本质和自身发展规律。     

“伊斯兰国”在马来西亚的扩张:基础及其应对

马来西亚的穆斯林一直深受中东伊斯兰思潮及政治局势的影响,在内外因素交织的作用下,"伊斯兰国"(ISIS)兴起后,其影响在马来西亚迅速蔓延。本文以马来西亚第一起恐怖袭击事件"蒲种恐袭"为切入点,通过分析ISIS在马来西亚扩张的原因及特点,指出马来西亚本土组织激进化并与境外极端组织串联和马来西亚国内伊斯兰思潮右倾是极端思想扩散的温床,"伊斯兰国"招募方式和宣传语言的改变使其在马来西亚的影响进一步扩大。本文亦探讨了马来西亚政府为遏制"伊斯兰国"影响所采取的应对措施与恐怖主义在马来西亚的发展趋势。     

印度支那地区伊斯兰教的发展

“9·11事件”以后,东南亚地区伊斯兰教与政治的关系受到了国际社会前所未有的关注,但人们大多把目光投向印尼、马来西亚、菲律宾以及泰国。实际上,了解当代印度支那地区伊斯兰教的发展和现状对于我们全面把握东南亚地区伊斯兰教与政治的关系不无裨益。     

“伊斯兰教国“课题困扰马来西亚政局

伊斯兰教一直在马来西亚的政治生活中占有很重要的地位.自"9 ·11"事件以来,在马来西亚的政坛出现"伊斯兰教国"课题的争论,到目前为止,该课题的争论已成为全马来西亚社会的热点话题之一.这项课题的争论虽然主要在执政联盟与反对党联盟之间展开,但是也引起了包括穆斯林和非穆斯林的广大民众的广泛关注.那么,此项课题是如何提出的?各方又有什么反应?它对马来西亚未来政治有何影响呢?     

东南亚地区伊斯兰信仰的传播及华人在其中发挥的作用

东南亚地区是世界上民族与宗教最为多样化的地区之一,在所有宗教之中,信奉伊斯兰教的人数是最多的,本文讨论了穆斯林在东南亚的早期活动,结合伊斯兰教在印尼、马来西亚等地的传播进行研究,伊斯兰教在东南亚的传播具有和平、包容和本地化的特点.而华人在伊斯兰教的传播过程中起到了非常重要的作用,郑和7次下西洋是东南亚伊斯兰教传播中的重要历史事件.     

试比较印尼与马来西亚华人融入当地主流社会的程序

前言印度尼西亚和马来西亚是东南亚两个重要的国家 ,两国国情有许多相似之处 ,但也有不少差异。在种族上 ,两国民族的祖先原始马来人和新马来人属蒙古利亚种族系统 ,原在亚洲大陆 ,许多学者认为两国民族的祖先源自中国云南一带。宗教上 ,印尼是世界上伊斯兰教徒最多的国家 ,马来西亚是伊斯兰教国家。语言上 ,马来西亚的国语是马来语 ,印尼语是由马来语发展而来的 ,两国语言相通。文化上 ,世界四大文化即印度文化、伊斯兰文化、中华文化和西方文化对两国都有不同程度的影响。可以说印尼和马来西亚是同文同种同宗教的国家。华人在这两个国家的…     

当代马来西亚政教关系研究——以伊斯兰法律地位的变迁为视角

在保障宗教自由的前提下,马来西亚在独立时立伊斯兰为官方宗教。惟马哈蒂尔统治时期通过大规模的伊斯兰化政策和伊斯兰法律体制的改革,大举提高了伊斯兰教的法律地位,其对国内穆斯林的日常生活形成严密的规范,也严重冲击马来西亚的世俗化体制。但是,实施日渐保守和严厉的伊斯兰规范使得宗教激进主义逐渐发展成为普及马来社会的意识形态,执政党巫统反而日渐受制于伊斯兰化的草根力量,近年来进一步向宗教激进主义靠拢。为今之计,马来苏丹、巫统开明的党领袖和元老、誓言维护世俗体制的其他政党领袖、开明的政府官僚和知识分子成为防止马来西亚世俗体制进一步变化的最后一道防线。     

试论战后以来的印马关系

印度与马来西亚的政治、经济及文化关系可以追溯至公元前后,其时,商业关系在印马两地之间占据了主导地位,佛教和印度教也藉此在马来西亚广为传播。在马来西亚,古代印度的影响持续至今,即便在该国皈依伊斯兰教后,印度对其文化的影响依然有迹可循。例如,印度教的王权思想、礼仪和印度的行政制度等都早已深深地融入到现代马来西亚的皇家文化中。     

伊斯兰祈祷团再起波澜的原因探析

曾一度淡出人们视线的东南亚恐怖组织伊斯兰祈祷团(AJAI)再度掀起波澜,从2005年至今策划了一系列恐怖案件。为何一个重要首领被逮捕、受到重大打击的恐怖主义组织,在短期内又能死灰复燃?笔者认为根本原因在于其动态的网络系统、一体化的组织结构、丰富的资金来源与广阔的联系渠道。在上述分析的基础上,笔者尝试性地提出应对这一恐怖组织的政策性建议。     

土耳其和巴基斯坦政教关系对比研究

土耳其与巴基斯坦一直具有传统的友好关系,共同的宗教信仰是土耳其与巴基斯坦相互认同的一个重要基石;两国95%以上的居民都是穆斯林,伊斯兰教在两国的政治、经济、社会、文化和外交等方面都起着非常重要的作用。在两国历史发展中都曾出现伊斯兰政治化和政治伊斯兰化的趋势,在全球化的进程中,伊斯兰复兴是两国都要面对的问题。本文试图在探讨土耳其与巴基斯坦建国之初对伊斯兰教的定位的基础上就两国在政教关系方面的异同作较为深入和系统的比较和分析。     

Religion and Conflict: Explaining the Puzzling Case of “Islamic Violence”

Despite considerable interest in the relationship between Islam and political violence, there is little systematic empirical research that explores the intrastate conflict proneness of Muslim countries, and existing studies provide mixed results. This article examines the causal factors that explain the prevalence of intrastate conflict in Muslim-plurality states and the conditions under which Islam may influence civil war onset. Further, following Ward, Greenhill, and Bakke’s (2010) suggestion, the effects of Islam and other socioeconomic and political factors in actually predicting civil wars are examined by utilizing ROC curves and cross-validation exercises. Utilizing the Uppsala Conflict Data Program’s data for the 1981–2009 period, the findings indicate that Muslim-plurality countries are indeed disproportionately involved in intrastate conflicts, but these countries are also characterized by lower GDP per capita, oil dependency, state repression, autocracy, and youth bulges, all of which correlate strongly with intrastate conflict onset. The significance of Islam disappears when controls for such factors are included in the statistical model. The variable of Islam does not make any significant contribution to either the in-sample or out-of-sample predictive power of models. Among the factors that increase the risk of intrastate conflict, the presence of a youth bulge has the greatest impact in Muslim-plurality countries.     

Parties,Party Systems and Democracy in the European Union

Since the late 1980s, research on political Islam has been much in vogue in Europe and the US. This phenomenon is typically viewed as an expression of religion rather than of politics. Precisely because of the assumed “religious” underpinnings of political Islam, most Western attempts to engage with Islamists often remain trapped in an attempt to test their “democratic credentials”. By focussing on what Islamists think about democracy, many studies have ignored the political, social and economic contexts in which Islamists operate. Accounting for the political underpinning of Islamist movements can both help understand their political evolution and open up fruitful avenues for comparative analysis. For this reason, attention is turned to Europe to seek best practices of external engagement with domestic opposition movements in authoritarian contexts, such as Western engagement with opposition actors in Franco's Spain, Kuchma's Ukraine and Shevardnadze's Georgia.     

Developing a critical pedagogy of ‘research-based’ teaching in Islamic studies

Studying Islam and Middle Eastern politics has become highly popular, particularly in American and British universities after the 9/11 and 7/7 terrorist events. Unfortunately, the increasing interest in Islam and Muslims in the West is often based on (mis)recognition of images of Muslims in the media. This has created a new set of problems of ignorance and misunderstandings about terrorism and the Islamic world. The intent of this article is to outline a ‘critical pedagogy’ of research-based teaching for Islamic studies and illustrate how this kind of pedagogical engagement better equips students to ‘problematise the natural, cultural and historical reality’ and dominant Orientalist assumptions about the relationship between Islam and terrorism. This article shows how research-based teaching can help students to become critical thinkers to connect knowledge and power while studying Islam and Middle Eastern politics.     

Analyzing Al Qaedaism

Three major events are responsible for the rampancy today of Al Qaedaism, the doctrine of Al Qaeda, an Islam extremist organization. They are： the Anti-Soviet Afghanistan War for the birth of the group; the September 11 terrorist attacks for the spread of its extremist demagogy and the war on terror for its branches networking into alliances worldwide. AI Qaedaism aims at driving away Western forces on the Moslem lands, overthrowing local Pro-West regimes, destroying Israel and setting up a Caliphate empire. Its rampancy has resulted from a combination of diverse factors at work under specific historical conditions rather an inevitable outcome of the growth of the Islam religion. As an ideological weapon for launching Jihad to oust Western influence and topple local regimes, Al Qaedaism reflects an extremist portrayal of modern Islam society, politics, economy and culture.     

中马双边合作视角下马来西亚地理标志保护体系研究

马来西亚是中国最重要的东盟经贸伙伴,两国开展地理标志保护合作有重要的经济、政治意义。本文从中马合作视角下研究马来西亚地理标志保护的法律依据、保护的产品种类、管理机关、注册申请主体、注册的程序和条件等问题,认为中国与马来西亚开展地理标志保护有很好的双边合作基础。     

Fighting the Jihad of the Pen: Countering Revolutionary Islam's Ideology

Al Qaeda's ideology is not new; their critique of the existing political and social order and vision for how to redeem the Muslim world builds on preexisting arguments of several 20th century predecessors who called for an Islamic revolution that would create a new order based on Islam. The persistence of revolutionary Islam suggests that these ideas need to be countered in order to strike at the root of the problem driving Islamically motivated terrorism and insurgency. U.S. efforts to defeat Al Qaeda, however, continue to focus primarily on killing or capturing the leadership, interdicting operations, and defensively bolstering the homeland and U.S. assets against various types of attacks. In order to confront Al Qaeda's ideology, U.S. efforts should focus on indirectly fostering “a market place of ideas”—the space and culture of questioning and debating—in order to challenge the grievances and solutions proposed by revolutionary Islam.