腐败:实证研究的国际经验——国际透明组织如何量化廉洁指数

国际透明组织提供的廉洁指数是国际上量化腐败的权威指标。国际透明组织在廉洁指数的研究方法、效度研究、信度分析、标准化、指数检验和指标体系方面都有成功的技术和成熟的经验。廉洁指数为我们提供了国际视角的腐败指标 ,实证研究的方法和改善国际评价的途径。     

国际组织对各国腐败状况的评价体系概述

由于腐败具有隐秘的特性 ,我们很难清楚地了解一个国家到底发生了多少腐败 ,腐败会引起多大的经济损失和什么样的政治后果 ,腐败的严重程度有多大。这一直是研究腐败问题的重点 ,也是腐败研究的难点。近年来 ,一些国际组织在评价各国的腐败状况方面做了大量的调查工作 ,建立了不同的腐败指标体系来对各国的腐败状况进行衡量和比较 ,他们的研究结果也逐渐得到了国际学术界的认可 ,并越来越多地被用来作为评价一些国家腐败状况的重要依据。这里简要介绍几种比较重要的评价体系 ,以供国内的反腐败研究参考。由于腐败定义的不同和研究视角的差别…     

谈对商业贿赂的治理

商业贿赂是腐败的一种主要表现形式。商业贿赂曾导致许多国家经济发展受阻、腐败横生、社会动荡。有些国家的政权甚至因贿赂丑闻而垮台。从上世纪70年代起，商业贿赂现象逐渐引起一些国家和国际组织的重视，人们对商业贿赂危害性的认识日趋深刻，一些国际组织先后出台了不同的治理对策。许多国家加强了惩治商业贿赂的立法。目前，国际社会在治理商业贿赂的立法、司法、行政、企业自律等许多方面都取得了丰富的经验。这些经验对我国反商业贿赂也有着重要借鉴意义。     

世界正义工程法治指数的实践启示

自2010年起,世界正义工程每年发布法治指数年度报告,将抽象的法治概念具体化为系统的可量化的评估指标,借以评价和促进各国的法治实践,在全世界获得了广泛认同。本文从介绍世界正义工程法治指数的来源入手,全面阐述了这一法治指数体系的具体内容,分析了其优劣所在。指出借鉴其指标体系的量化指数和分析方法对于深入推进深圳一流法治城市建设和廉洁城市建设具有一定的参考意义,同时提出建立深圳市主客观指标相结合的廉洁指标体系。     

全球反腐进入拐点

腐败不仅是经济问题，也是政治和社会问题。现代社会的全球反腐尝试始于1977年美国出台的《反海外腐败法》（FCPA），英国去年也通过了一项与FCPA类似的法律——《英国贿赂法案》，另外民间社会一直在国际反腐运动中发挥积极作用，如透明国际等，企业界也越来越多地的加入到直接反腐的行列。换句话说，世界在反腐领域取得了巨大进步，但仍需要全球采取地方和国家层面的措施继续努力。第一，应鼓励各国政府制定更有效的准则引导企业遵纪守法。     

全球反贪特点综述

贪污贿赂行为给世界各国、各民族带来越来越大的损失和灾难，全球几乎所有的国家和民族都在探索祛除贪贿腐败的途径。政府官员、专家学者都对此产生愈来愈大的兴趣，促使反贪发展态势喜人，反贪工作出现许多新的特点。前不久，在北京举行了第七届国际反贪污大会，江泽民总书记发表了长篇讲话，表明了中国政府和贪污腐败作斗争的坚强决心。各级政府和领导人对反贪问题极为重视，相应做出了一系列反贪措施。现将全球反贪特点作一简述，以利于从中获取启示和借鉴。一、地位突出在全球范围内，对反贪污、贿赂问题普遍趋于重视，在各国都有较突出…     

可量化的平安:全球平安指数及其对平安中国建设的启示

平安指数的建立可以比较全面地反映一个国家或地区平安建设的科学性,我国亟须在借鉴域外经验的基础上对平安指数进行系统研究.作为世界范围内受到广泛认可的平安指数体系,全球平安指数(GPI)对平安进行了概念化和量化,进而构建出评估各国平安状况的指标体系和权重体系.GPI包括内部和外部冲突、社会安全与保障以及军事水平3个一级指标(领域),内含23个二级指标.其指标体系历经14个版本的更迭,在数量、名称、算法和数据来源等方面不断优化,指数的精确性、简明性、匹配性、客观性和权威性不断增强.我国可以充分认识GPI的价值和局限,从宏观、中观和微观三个层面实现对平安中国指数的科学建构.     

反腐需要国际合作

国际反腐合作既是国际社会对腐败危害的认识有切肤之痛,更是各国共同努力的结果。第二十二届世界法律大会9月5日在北京召开,其中反腐败的国际合作是重要的专题。腐败问题是人类社会当前所面临的最严峻挑战之一,与之斗争的复杂性、艰巨性和长期性注定单靠一国之力难以奏效。因此,寻求国家间的合作成为世界各国防治腐败的一个重要方式,全球范围内也形成了多种国际力量互动、各国相互交流与合作的潮流。对中国来说,进行反腐国际合作,最主要的内容是加强对腐败犯罪的国际调查与审判的合作,吸收发达国家预防和惩治腐败的成功经验,最终建设具有中国特色的反腐思想体系和工作机制。     

美国如何反商业贿赂

1970年代中叶,证交会调查发现,400多家美国公司在海外有贿赂行为,涉及3亿多美元的资金,117家问题公司是《财富》杂志500强企业。这次调查成为《海外腐败行为法》的起因。1977年,美国制定《海外腐败行为法》。同年,经济合作发展组织成员国通过了《打击贿赂国际商务活动中外国官员行为公约》(美国以及主要发达国家都是会员国)。1998年美国国会通过《国际反贿赂与公平竞争法》,修订了《海外腐败行为法》。《海外腐败行为法》主要有两部分内容:一是要求公司根据《海外腐败行为法》加强公司的财务制度;二是关于反贿赂的规定。如果被定有罪,对公司…     

《政府信息公开条例》绩效评价:指标评分及实证检验

指标体系一般包括指标、权重和评分标准。政府绩效评价指标体系被视为"世界难题"。基于"事先可推导事后可检验"的科学逻辑,依据既定的指标体系,利用31个省级政府实施《政府信息公开条例》绩效评价的结构数据,运用典型相关分析法,对指标评分标准进行检验发现,保密审查制度、人员机构设置和主动公开等指标表现为负向影响,说明这些指标评分标准失真,不足以衡量政府相应工作的实绩。这一发现提供了完善指标体系,尤其是指标评分标准的技术路径。因为随着政府信息公开的深入,政府工作重心发生改变,从技术角度,实现评价体系稳定性与适应性之间的平衡,可保持评价指标及结构稳定,指标评分标准动态调整,这一策略同样适用于其他的同类评价。     

Political will and government anti‐corruption efforts: What does the evidence say?

“Political will” is oft‐cited as the major obstacle to government's anti‐corruption efforts. Notwithstanding, there is remarkably little systematic analysis of the concept, with some scholars describing it as the “slipperiest concept in the policy lexicon,” whereas others are calling for its empirical relevance. This paper tries to unpack the “black box” of political will by making it an empirically relevant concept drawing on evidence from two Asian countries; Singapore and Bangladesh. Four key indicators based on the works of earlier scholars are used including origin of the initiative; comprehension and extent of analysis; credible sanctions; and resource dedication and sustenance are used. The paper also uses Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index, World Bank's World Governance Indicators (Control of Corruption and Government Effectiveness), and Political, Economic and Risk Consultancy's annual survey in Asia, as outcome measures. Based on the empirical evidence from the two countries, the paper shows that political will indeed has a positive influence on government's anti‐corruption efforts. Although political will may not be sufficient, it is a necessary condition to fight corruption, and that the difference between the positions of Singapore and Bangladesh on various global corruption league tables may be attributed to political will.     

The Politics of Perception: Use and Abuse of Transparency International's Approach to Measuring Corruption

The annual Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), published by Transparency International (TI), has had a pivotal role in focusing attention on corruption. Despite recent critiques of the CPI, it remains highly influential on research into the causes of corruption and is also extensively used to galvanise support for measures to fight corruption. In this article we explore the CPI in more depth in order to highlight how the index has been used for political ends which may not always turn out to be supportive of anti-corruption efforts. The argument is developed in four sections: in the first, we focus on Transparency International's definition of corruption, highlighting some conceptual difficulties with the approach adopted and its relationship to the promotion of 'good governance' as the principal means of combating corruption. In the second section, we outline some methodological difficulties in the design of the Corruption Perceptions Index. Although the CPI has been much criticised, we demonstrate in the third section that the index continues to exercise great influence both in academic research and in the politics of anti-corruption efforts, particularly as exercised by Transparency International itself. In the final section we argue that the CPI contributes to the risk of creating a 'corruption trap' in countries where corruption is deeply embedded, as development aid is increasingly made conditional on the implementation of reforms which are impossible to achieve without that aid.     

反海外腐败的法律与制度：国际比较与中国方案

反海外腐败是当前全球反腐败领域的热点问题,也是治理腐败的难点问题。全球范围内的国际组织与不同国家和地区先后制定出台了相关的法律与制度,尽管这些法律与制度各不相同,但是基本都遵循了一定的国际背景和本国本地区背景,对这些法律与制度进行国际比较研究对于中国来说具有重要的借鉴价值。面对当前反海外腐败的形势与任务,中国应当坚定反腐败制度体系的高度自信,从完善反海外腐败的相关法律制度、推动中国跨国企业建立有效的合规管理制度体系、增强中国建立国际性反腐败制度文件的话语权等方面着力,全面提升反海外腐败的治理能力。     

Trends and mechanisms of corruption in South Korea

Corruption remains one of the key obstacles to democratization and good governance. Given the nature of the subject, corruption is notoriously difficult to study. International comparisons and rankings of good governance such as the World Bank World Governance Indicators, the Bertelsmann Sustainable Governance Index, or Transparency International's Global Corruption Index are very useful for providing the big picture on corruption. To understand trends and mechanisms of corruption, however, it is necessary to conduct case studies on both successful and failed cases of anti-corruption policies. This paper investigates the successes and challenges of the fight against corruption in South Korea since the beginning of democratization in 1987. The investigation shows that Korea has generally been successful in controlling corruption. The paper argues that the remaining problems can be largely explained by the legacy of authoritarian rule and the undermining of state autonomy through the concentration of economic power.     

金砖国家在透明国际清廉指数中的排名变化及其原因探究

“金砖国家”概念的提出,是“金砖五国”等新兴经济体实力不断壮大并伴随全球经济格局深刻演变的产物。包括中国在内的五个新兴国家无论是在经济发展还是社会进步方面都受到了前所未有的瞩目,五国的反腐败及廉政建设亦是备受外界关注。近二十年来,金砖国家在反腐倡廉建设方面付出了诸多努力。但是,清廉指数3．4分左右的平均分仍然时刻提醒着各国腐败形势依旧严峻,反腐败工作还有很长的路要走。     

Fighting corruption in developing countries: Some aspects of policy from lessons from the field

Corruption persists in developing countries despite the proliferation of legal, institutional, and other measures that have been put in place to fight said corruption. The cancer of corruption has therefore spread exponentially in most developing countries with devastating socioeconomic and governance consequences. This practitioner perspective draws on the author's field experience and backed up by the research literature. It identifies, outlines, and discusses some aspects of policy in 3 areas—institution strengthening, the development and implementation of national anticorruption plans/strategies, and political will and leadership—and the conclusions that can be drawn from them for policy development and implementation in the ongoing quest to fight corruption in developing countries.     

Empirical determinants of corruption: A sensitivity analysis

Many variables have been proposed by past studies as significant determinants of corruption. This paper asks if their estimated impact on corruption is robust to alteration of the information set. A “Global Sensitivity Analysis”, based on the Leamer's Extreme-Bounds Analysis gives a clear answer: five variables are robustly related to corruption. Corruption is lower in richer countries, where democratic institutions have been preserved for a long continuous period, and the population is mainly Protestant. Corruption is instead higher where political instability is a major problem. Finally, a country's colonial heritage appears to be a significant determinant of present corruption.     

Transparency and corruption: Measuring real transparency by a new index

Despite the salience of transparency in policy and democracy debates a global measurement of transparency has always been missing. In its absence, measuring the impact of transparency on accountability and corruption for a large number of countries has been difficult, with scholars using more or less adequate proxies. This paper introduces a new measurement of real transparency—the T-index—using 14 de facto components, based on direct observations of official websites in 129 countries and five de jure components, based on the transparency laws and conventions adopted. The resulting index is a measurement with very good internal and external validity and moderate precision. The paper argues that de facto transparency must be considered alongside de jure (legal) transparency if we are to judge the impact (or lack of) transparency against accountability and corruption, as a large implementation gap exists, in particular in poor countries, between legal commitments and real transparency. The T-index has significant impact on both perception and objective indicators of corruption, including perceived change in corruption over time as measured by the Global Corruption Barometer. An analysis of outliers shows that high transparency alone is not sufficient to achieve control of corruption, especially in countries with low human development and poor rule of law, although transparency is a robust predictor of corruption with GDP controls. The data with all sources is available for download as T-index 2022 dataset: DOI 10.5281/zenodo.7225627 and an interactive webpage developed for updates is available at www.corruptionrisk.org/transparency .     

Corruption and Anti-Money-Laundering Systems: Putting a Luxury Good to Work

Systems of laws, regulations, and institutions developed to counter money laundering provide powerful tools for fighting corruption. Currently, however, the potential benefits anti‐money‐laundering (AML) systems can provide in fighting corruption go largely unrealized, especially in developing countries. This mismatch poses a puzzle: Why are developing countries failing to best capitalize on their expensive AML systems by using them to fight corruption? The article is built on three core claims. The first claim is that it is logical to use AML systems for anti‐corruption purposes because of a pronounced overlap in the standards required for each and the rising costs of the former. The second section demonstrates specifically how AML systems could significantly augment anti‐corruption efforts, focusing on the importance of financial intelligence, asset confiscation, and international cooperation. Finally, although powerful outsiders have successfully diffused AML systems among developing countries, a lack of “ownership” in the latter explains why these systems are often established only as tokens to enhance international legitimacy and reputations.     

Can Corruption Be Measured? Comparing Global Versus Local Perceptions of Corruption in East and Southeast Asia

Abstract

Since Transparency International first released its annual Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) in 1995, the CPI has quickly become the best known corruption indicator worldwide. The CPI has been widely credited with making comparative and large-N studies of corruption possible, as well as putting the issue of corruption squarely in the international policy agenda. Despite its enormous influence on both academic and policy fronts, the CPI is not without critics. One often noted critique is that the CPI relies solely on surveys of foreign business people and the expert assessments of cross-national analysts; as such, the CPI mainly reflects international experts’ perceptions, not the perceptions of each country's citizens. This study examines the above critique in closer detail. Data from the Asian Barometer Survey is employed to analyze whether international experts’ corruption perceptions were similar to those of domestic citizens. The Asian Barometer Survey is a public opinion survey on issues related to political values, democracy, and public reform in 13 different areas around East and Southeast Asia (Cambodia, China, Hong Kong, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, Mongolia, the Philippines, Singapore, Taiwan, Thailand, and Vietnam). Data analysis indicates that global and local perspectives are only moderately aligned in the 13 areas studied. International experts and domestic citizens differ, to varying degrees, in their evaluation of the extent of public sector corruption in several areas, suggesting the presence of a corruption perception gap. Four implications about the existence of this gap can be drawn for future corruption measurement.