国际四大反腐败评价指标体系及其影响力

腐败问题是世界各国共同面临的难题，20世纪90年代以来一些国际组织通过建立不同的指标体系来对世界各国腐败状况进行测量和对比，为评估一国或地区的腐败情况提供了量化的依据。这些指标体系逐渐得到了学术界的认可，并引起了各国政府的重视。目前国际上比较有影响力的衡量腐败的指标主要有透明国际的腐败认知指数和贿赂指数、世界银行的腐败控制指数、世界经济论坛的非法支付和贿赂指数等。近年来国内学者也开始关注这些指标体系，但没有对其做比较深入的研究。正确认识这些评价体系和评价指标，对深入推进反腐倡廉建设和理论研究具有重要启示意义。     

Can Corruption Be Measured? Comparing Global Versus Local Perceptions of Corruption in East and Southeast Asia

Abstract

Since Transparency International first released its annual Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) in 1995, the CPI has quickly become the best known corruption indicator worldwide. The CPI has been widely credited with making comparative and large-N studies of corruption possible, as well as putting the issue of corruption squarely in the international policy agenda. Despite its enormous influence on both academic and policy fronts, the CPI is not without critics. One often noted critique is that the CPI relies solely on surveys of foreign business people and the expert assessments of cross-national analysts; as such, the CPI mainly reflects international experts’ perceptions, not the perceptions of each country's citizens. This study examines the above critique in closer detail. Data from the Asian Barometer Survey is employed to analyze whether international experts’ corruption perceptions were similar to those of domestic citizens. The Asian Barometer Survey is a public opinion survey on issues related to political values, democracy, and public reform in 13 different areas around East and Southeast Asia (Cambodia, China, Hong Kong, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, Mongolia, the Philippines, Singapore, Taiwan, Thailand, and Vietnam). Data analysis indicates that global and local perspectives are only moderately aligned in the 13 areas studied. International experts and domestic citizens differ, to varying degrees, in their evaluation of the extent of public sector corruption in several areas, suggesting the presence of a corruption perception gap. Four implications about the existence of this gap can be drawn for future corruption measurement.     

Trends and mechanisms of corruption in South Korea

Corruption remains one of the key obstacles to democratization and good governance. Given the nature of the subject, corruption is notoriously difficult to study. International comparisons and rankings of good governance such as the World Bank World Governance Indicators, the Bertelsmann Sustainable Governance Index, or Transparency International's Global Corruption Index are very useful for providing the big picture on corruption. To understand trends and mechanisms of corruption, however, it is necessary to conduct case studies on both successful and failed cases of anti-corruption policies. This paper investigates the successes and challenges of the fight against corruption in South Korea since the beginning of democratization in 1987. The investigation shows that Korea has generally been successful in controlling corruption. The paper argues that the remaining problems can be largely explained by the legacy of authoritarian rule and the undermining of state autonomy through the concentration of economic power.     

金砖国家在透明国际清廉指数中的排名变化及其原因探究

“金砖国家”概念的提出,是“金砖五国”等新兴经济体实力不断壮大并伴随全球经济格局深刻演变的产物。包括中国在内的五个新兴国家无论是在经济发展还是社会进步方面都受到了前所未有的瞩目,五国的反腐败及廉政建设亦是备受外界关注。近二十年来,金砖国家在反腐倡廉建设方面付出了诸多努力。但是,清廉指数3．4分左右的平均分仍然时刻提醒着各国腐败形势依旧严峻,反腐败工作还有很长的路要走。     

Political will and government anti‐corruption efforts: What does the evidence say?

“Political will” is oft‐cited as the major obstacle to government's anti‐corruption efforts. Notwithstanding, there is remarkably little systematic analysis of the concept, with some scholars describing it as the “slipperiest concept in the policy lexicon,” whereas others are calling for its empirical relevance. This paper tries to unpack the “black box” of political will by making it an empirically relevant concept drawing on evidence from two Asian countries; Singapore and Bangladesh. Four key indicators based on the works of earlier scholars are used including origin of the initiative; comprehension and extent of analysis; credible sanctions; and resource dedication and sustenance are used. The paper also uses Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index, World Bank's World Governance Indicators (Control of Corruption and Government Effectiveness), and Political, Economic and Risk Consultancy's annual survey in Asia, as outcome measures. Based on the empirical evidence from the two countries, the paper shows that political will indeed has a positive influence on government's anti‐corruption efforts. Although political will may not be sufficient, it is a necessary condition to fight corruption, and that the difference between the positions of Singapore and Bangladesh on various global corruption league tables may be attributed to political will.     

《联合国反腐败公约》及其借鉴意义

《联合国反腐败公约》详细规定了反腐败的预防机制、定罪与执法机制、国际合作机制以及资产的追回机制,对我国反腐机制的完善具有重要的借鉴价值。我国也应通过建立预防性反腐败机构,进一步完善公务员制度,建立利益冲突避免机制,做好政务公开,提高反腐工作的社会参与度等措施加强对腐败的预防;通过修订和完善刑法,完善证人制度和加大制裁力度等措施确保腐败犯罪分子受到与其所犯罪行严重性相当的制裁;通过加强金融监管,落实金融实名制和加大对洗钱与窝赃的打击力度等措施降低腐败收益;通过订立双边或多边协定加强国际合作,做好对犯罪分子的引渡工作和犯罪所得的追回工作。     

反海外腐败的法律与制度：国际比较与中国方案

反海外腐败是当前全球反腐败领域的热点问题,也是治理腐败的难点问题。全球范围内的国际组织与不同国家和地区先后制定出台了相关的法律与制度,尽管这些法律与制度各不相同,但是基本都遵循了一定的国际背景和本国本地区背景,对这些法律与制度进行国际比较研究对于中国来说具有重要的借鉴价值。面对当前反海外腐败的形势与任务,中国应当坚定反腐败制度体系的高度自信,从完善反海外腐败的相关法律制度、推动中国跨国企业建立有效的合规管理制度体系、增强中国建立国际性反腐败制度文件的话语权等方面着力,全面提升反海外腐败的治理能力。     

Who Will Be the “Principled‐Principals”? Perceptions of Corruption and Willingness to Engage in Anticorruption Activism

Many anticorruption campaigns aim to encourage citizens to demand better control over corruption. Recent literature suggests that perceived high levels of corruption and government effectiveness in controlling corruption will limit citizens' willingness to actively oppose corruption. Using Transparency International's 2013 Global Corruption Barometer, we test these ideas across a 71‐country sample. We find that perceived government effectiveness tends to encourage anticorruption civic action, while perceptions of corruption being widespread tend to have the opposite impact in non‐OECD countries. Our analyses also suggest that the interaction between these perceptions is important; we find that, especially among those who perceive that the level of corruption is high, when confidence in the government's efforts grows, so does their willingness fight corruption.     

腐败亚文化的代际传递与文化反腐败的路径选择

腐败亚文化已经深刻影响着一些人的生活方式,并通过代际传递影响到国家的未来。腐败亚文化代际传递有深厚的社会基础、外在推动力和内在驱动力,通过垂直传递和倾斜传递的途径滋生蔓延。要彻底铲除腐败亚文化,必须提高对文化反腐败重大意义的认识;增强制度反腐的刚性,扫清腐败亚文化代际传递的源头;改变代际传递的文化内涵,构建代际文化反腐败教育体系。     

论执政风险的防范——以反腐败为视角

执政风险是与执政党相伴生的历史现象。中国共产党作为长期执政的党,必须高度重视长期执政环境下的执政风险问题。腐败是党执政的最大风险,因为腐败破坏党的性质和宗旨,危及政治稳定;腐败会危害经济的健康发展,动摇党执政的经济基础;腐败严重败坏了执政党党风,污染社会风气;腐败动摇马克思主义指导思想,削弱主流意识形态的价值认同。因此,党要抵御执政风险就需要自觉划清党同腐败的界线,严惩腐败行为;通过建立反腐倡廉制度体系,实现"源头治理";大力发展廉政文化,筑牢思想防线。     

Dealing with sectoral corruption in Bangladesh: Developing citizen involvement

Bangladesh has had a troubled political history since gaining independence in 1971 and is also beleaguered by poverty and natural environmental disasters. In particular however, corruption is blighting its prospects for economic growth, undermining the rule of law and damaging the legitimacy of the political process. This article adopts a sectoral approach to the study of corruption by examining people's experiences of using health and education services in Bangladesh through a large scale quantitative survey. It also presents case study research which assesses the impact of anti‐corruption work by Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) in the areas of health and education. The article concludes that: the poorest in Bangladesh are most penalised by corruption; there are significant benefits for health and education service users resulting from TIB's interventions and there is a need for committed political leadership if ongoing efforts to tackle corruption are to be effective and sustainable. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

印度反腐败机制及其效果

印度长期以来一直面临着腐败问题的困扰,而且发展到现在腐败问题愈发严重,如今在印度腐败已经成为一种"生活方式"、"生活机制"。腐败给印度带来了非常严重的不利影响,为此印度政府无论是在立法还是在机构设置上都采取了许多措施。不过,由于受到低效的法律体系、公务员体系、民主体系、传统文化以及种姓制度等制约,印度的反腐败工作长期停滞不前。对印度腐败与反腐败的理性分析与思考,对我国反腐倡廉建设具有一定的借鉴意义。     

微博倒逼制度化反腐的成因及出路

微博反腐正成为自媒体时代中国反腐进程中方兴未艾的现象。微博反腐具有显著的正能量,它借助于焦点事件这种非制度化途径,起到倒逼政府介入腐败案件查处的功效,从而加速体制内反腐的理性化和制度化进程。微博反腐的倒逼机理在于,它把以前只是由反腐机构与当事人掌握的不对称"内部信息",通过微博这种自媒体发酵为路人皆知的"外部信息",从而实现了反腐机构、当事人与社会公众间的信息相对对称。在腐败信息相对对称的情况下,体制内反腐的工作重心将逐步从对焦点案件的被动查处,转变为对制度化反腐方略的主动探求。未来的廉政制度化建设应着力解决三大问题:一是国家廉政制度设计中制度短缺与制度剩余的并存悖论;二是既有廉政制度实际执行力不足导致的"制度软约束"现象;三是选择性反腐的合法性危机。     

腐败的社会心理探源与儒家廉政思想的现代意义

腐败是一种在人类社会的各个历史时期和各类文化群体中普遍存在的社会现象，但理论界对腐败的界定和成因并未达成共识。从社会心理学的角度来看，腐败是理性的个人经过高度精密的利益计算和反复权衡之后的结果，是经济人的原则入侵政治和社会领域的表现。腐败并非仅仅存在于公共的政治领域，任何职业和个人都存在腐败的可能。从源头治理腐败，需要根除滋生腐败的社会文化土壤，培育完善的道德和法律体系，增进个人的道德情操。我国传统儒家文化中含有的大量廉洁奉公思想可以为现代社会的反腐倡廉事业提供强大的思想源泉。     

Exaggerating good governance: Regime type and score inflation among executive survey informants

Researchers and policymakers often rely on executive surveys to understand and promote good governance. In doing so, they assume that the evaluations provided by these well‐informed respondents are not systematically influenced by regime type. However, regime‐embedded executives often have a personal stake in the survey outcomes, incentivizing them to exaggerate good governance. This paper compares World Economic Forum Executive Opinion Survey responses to corollary measures of key governance concepts in democracies, anocracies, and autocracies. It finds evidence of significant score inflation among executives in closed regimes. The individual‐level mechanisms are explored in one autocracy by comparing responses from regime‐embedded informants based at firms headquartered within the country with those managing businesses headquartered abroad. These micro‐level data likewise reveal evidence of widespread inflation, particularly on items related to governance. Finally, a closer look at Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index demonstrates the broader impact Executive Opinion Survey inflation for measuring governance within closed regimes.     

转型期中国公共领导体制变革与廉政建设

腐败与反腐败是社会政治生活中的一个永恒主题。腐败的存在与公共权力密切相关,作为公共权力运作的核心性规范,公共领导体制直接规定着高层领导者运用权力的方式,影响着社会的腐败与反腐败活动。伴随着社会发展,中国公共领导体制开始现代化转型,从传统型权威和个人魅力型权威向法理型权威转换,其反腐败方略也相应地从注重思想教育和社会运动转向注重制度约束。与此相适应,必须深化公共领导体制改革,以制度创新根治腐败,包括:进行良好的宪政分权,发展直接民主;引入政治竞争,实行政务公开;转变政府职能,推动行政体制改革,规范政府行为;强化监督机制和惩罚机制;加强思想教育和道德约束,提高政府官员的廉洁自律度,等等。     

法治反腐、理性反腐、科学反腐——关于反腐败的若干思考

对于权力腐败这一痼疾,必须走法治反腐、理性反腐和科学反腐的道路,必须避免人治反腐、情绪反腐和盲目反腐。在此理念下,以科学的手段反腐,设计、改革和完善反腐制度体系,如建立财产公示、大额消费刷卡、信息公开、司法独立等制度。但是腐败不是孤立现象,反腐败作为社会大系统中的子系统工程,若仅仅就腐败而反腐败,虽有一定成效,但事倍功半。所以,还需要做好科学划定权力界限,坚持权力最小介入原则,权力制约要形成法治的封闭式制约,从而提高权力运行效率。     

论“民主”反腐的机制与机率探析

推进党的反腐败工作和反腐倡廉建设,必须将民主理念和民主手段引入其中,将民主提升为惩防腐败的新治本之策,着力建立健全＂教育、制度、监督、民主＂并重的惩治预防腐败体系。这就必须切实关注＂民主＂惩治预防腐败的机制与＂民主＂惩治预防腐败的机率。     

Improving the Budget Process in Fragile and Conflict‐Ridden States: Two Modest Lessons from Afghanistan

Both the donor community and scholars have created a cottage industry studying “fragile” states. International nongovernmental organizations that have developed indexes measuring corruption or governance have been unkind to Afghanistan. One index suggests a different and more optimistic story. The International Budget Partnership measures transparency every two years with its Open Budget Index. Afghanistan demonstrated dramatic improvement on this index between 2008 and 2012. The authors use the improvement in Afghanistan's transparency score as an entry point to explore how donors try to intervene and promote transparency as part of broader efforts in public financial management development and how legislative strengthening has also contributed to budget reform. The analysis offers a modest corrective to the overly pessimistic assessments of fragile states by showing that a fragile state can improve its budgetary transparency and enhance governance by strengthening the legislature's involvement in the budget process.     

Who protests? An exploration of the class dimensions of anticorruption mobilization

This article examines the role of economic class in mobilizing against corruption. Across several countries, recent anticorruption movements have been attributed to the growing urban middle class. Yet, existing studies have not examined how citizens view their own agency and how their views may be affected by their class position. We use Transparency International's Global Corruption Barometer survey and a case study of India to critically examine the class dimensions of anticorruption mobilization. We find that citizens in middle‐income countries are most concerned with corruption. At the same time, those who identify as middle class are only slightly more likely than low‐income individuals to indicate a willingness to mobilize. In contrast, people who identify as high income are much less willing to engage with the issue. Our findings suggest that successful and sustained mobilization against corruption might require a coalition of middle‐and lower‐income groups.