2003年的缅甸：内忧外患

2003年的缅甸可谓是内忧外患。在国内 ,政治斗争跌宕起伏 ,经济濒临困境 ,社会动荡 ,军政府疲于应付。在国际上 ,缅甸军政府面临着前所未有的巨大压力 ,以美国为首的西方国家对缅甸实施了更为严厉的制裁。缅甸军政府为此采取了一系列的应对措施 ,基本保持了缅甸局势的稳定 ,但前景堪忧。一、内忧2003年是缅甸军政府执政的第15年 ,一年来遇到了国内政治、经济和社会等多方面的巨大挑战。内忧之一 :缅甸政治和解进程再次陷入僵局军人与反对党民盟的矛盾是1988年以来缅甸社会的主要矛盾。2003年以来 ,昂山素季(以下简称昂氏)在演讲中多次抨击军…     

缅甸政局变动的影响及东盟建设性参与

2021年2月,缅甸军方以民盟政府选举舞弊为由强力接管国家政权,再次使缅甸政局和东南亚区域安全形势面临严重的不确定性风险。本文简要回顾2020年缅甸大选的基本概况,在阐述军方与民盟权力博弈新态势的基础上,指出两个平行政府的合法性争夺趋于白热化、公民抗命运动加剧社会动荡、国内武装冲突趋于"全面化",是军方接管政权后缅甸政局持续动荡的新特征。缅甸危机对东盟的深刻影响体现在其中心地位、危机协调与管控能力以及东盟经济一体化三个层面,因此迫切需要东盟建设性参与缅甸国内和解进程,深度介入缅甸危机管控,并多措并举提高地区经济一体化水平。     

对关键节点下缅甸军方政治选择动因的分析

在当代缅甸政治发展的关键节点上,军方的政治选择往往是决定缅甸今后政治发展走向的关键。不理解军方在关键节点下做出政治选择的原因就无法理解缅甸政治发展的过去、现在和未来。通过对缅甸独立以来七次关键节点军方政治选择的案例分析,本文认为,决定军方政治选择的关键变量是军人核心利益与文官力量。影响军方政治选择的行动逻辑有两个,首先军队要坚决维护核心利益;其次军队要考虑文官力量的强弱,文官力量影响着军方政治行为的方式与规模。即便近年来缅甸民主化进程加速,军人核心利益与文官力量的分析框架仍然适用于对缅甸军人政治行为和缅甸政治发展的分析。     

试析缅甸新商业精英阶层的崛起

1988年以来,随着缅甸新军人政权上台,大部分少数民族武装基本实现停火,新的市场经济导向政策的实施,一个新的社会阶层——商业精英开始形成。精英集团是在特殊时期形成的政治资源与商业资源的结合体,反映了缅甸经济获得一定程度的发展,但它在各个经济领域的垄断排挤了中小民营企业的空间,对缅甸现代化进程造成了不利的影响。     

缅甸：军人执政的20年（1988～2008）的政治发展及趋势

自从1988年9月缅甸军人接管政权，建立“国家治安建设委员会”（1997年11月15日改名为“缅甸联邦和平与发展委员会”，以下简称“和发委”）以来，已有20年了。在当今世界，军人统治一个国家居然持续了长达20年的时间，可谓绝无仅有（如果从1962年3月奈温军人集团政变夺权算起，军人在缅甸的统治更是长达46年）。     

当前缅甸局势述评

缅甸政府陷入内外交困境地今年缅甸军政府步入执政的第十个年头,却因东南亚金融危机在政治、经济、外交各方面陷入一个前所未有、内外交困的境地。一、政治上:缅甸国内最大的反对派——全国民主联盟展开新一轮夺权斗争。1988年成立的全国民主联盟(以下简称民盟)是缅甸国内最大反对党,该党的宗旨是要在缅甸推行西方民主制度。缅甸国父昂山将军的女儿、诺贝尔和平奖获得者昂山素季担任该党总书记一职。民盟参加了1990年当时的苏貌政府组织的大选,并在485席中夺取了392席,取     

缅甸:军人执政十年(1988—1998)的政治经济和外交

自从1988年9月缅甸军人接管政权,建立“国家治安建设委员会”(1997年11月15日改名为“缅甸联邦和平与发展委员会”)以来,已有十年了.这十年来缅甸的政治、经济和对外关系发生了一些什么样的变化?面临的主要问题是什么?今后的发展趋势如何?这些就是本文所要探讨的主要问题.     

前进中的缅甸——1995年缅甸形势回顾

对于缅甸来说,1995年是值得庆贺的一年。由于政府在政治、经济、外交方面实行较为务实的政策,使缅甸在朝着市场经济转变的改革开放方面取得了明显成效。1995年适逢缅甸国防军建军50周年,著名高等学府仰光大学建校75周年,缅甸电影事业75周年,政府为此举办了相应的纪念盛典。此外又举办了全国第三届歌舞、音乐、演奏创作比赛,给前进中的缅甸带来了喜庆和欢乐。1995年缅甸在政治、经济、外交等诸多方面所取得的成功,主要体现在以下几个方面: 一、成功地解决了16支反政府少数民族武装问题,基本实现国内和平 由于历史遗留下来的原因,缅甸1948年独立后,居住在边境地区的一些少数民族拥有武装,不间断地开展反政府武装斗争。几十年来,反政府武装为维持生计,筹措购买枪支的经费,大都在他们活动的区域内种植罂粟,提炼毒品,武装贩毒。反政府武装和毒品问题,长期影响着缅甸政局的稳     

缅甸:2010～2011年回顾与展望

2010年缅甸政局继续保持稳定。大选于2010年11月7日顺利举行、少数民族地方武装的改编、政府高层人事调整以及昂山素季被释放是2010年缅甸政治中的四件大事。经济上保持较快的增长,企业私有化进程加快,缅币币值继续稳定,外贸和外资有了大幅的增长。外交方面,缅甸与中国、印度、日本和东盟的传统友好关系与合作不断深化;与美国等西方国家的接触保持了2009年以来的良好趋势,外交处境有所改善。     

缅甸:2020年回顾与2021年展望

2020年COVID-19疫情席卷缅甸,民盟政府积极抗疫,竭力推动经济复苏,并成功于11月8日举行2020年大选,再次蝉联执政.由于若开邦冲突加剧,和平进程艰难推进.COVID-19疫情促进了缅甸与世界各国在抗击疫情和恢复经济等多方面的交流与合作,国际社会向缅甸提供了大量的物资援助.在罗兴亚人问题上,西方国家持续向缅甸施压.2021年,由于COVID-19疫情的不确定性,缅甸政府将面临经济复苏及和平进程等多重挑战.     

Terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir in theory and practice

This article argues there is a need for a more nuanced analysis of terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir than has been available so far. First, the popular legitimacy of violent groups has little bearing on their operation. Rather, the keys to the intensity of terrorist activity are held by Pakistan's military establishment. Second, the supposedly secular-nationalist movement of the early 1990s was in fact deeply Islamist in character; there has been a greater unity of thought underpinning terrorism than the literature admits. Finally, the article argues, the operation of terrorism needs to be read not simply in the limited context of Jammu and Kashmir, but as part of a larger South Asian crisis of identity.     

Institutional divergence and convergence in the Asia-Pacific? ASEAN in practice and in theory

This paper gives attention to the geopolitics related to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as an alternative model of regionalism in theory and practice. Offering a rough periodization of ASEAN in IR theory, it considers interacting theoretical and empirical developments, and their geopolitics as one way to think about, first, ASEAN, its defining dynamics and processes of change, and, second, ASEAN's relationship to a larger IR theory literature defined by US preoccupations and the institutional trajectory of the European Union. Three periods are considered: a Cold War period, when ASEAN norms and practices developed relatively insulated from great power expectations and theorizing about ASEAN was minimal; the 1990s, when constructivist theorizing encouraged new thinking about alternative institutional models; and the 2000s, a period characterized by correlating great power pressures and a ‘functional’ turn in academic and theoretical debates about ASEAN. Special attention is given to the United States as a major, leading actor in both world politics and the institutionalization of international relations as a discipline, as well as the possibilities and constraints of institutional divergence in theory and practice.     

Islam and politics in Europe and in Asia: Comparative reflections

This article compares the role of religion, and of Islam in particular, in politics in Europe and in South and South East Asia. It starts out with the policy dilemmas facing France, Europe's most secular country that also has Europe's largest immigrant Muslim community. After long debates nation-wide Muslim organisation is now sponsored by the state in order to strengthen moderate Islam in France. In contrast, explicit Christian parties are in decline in most of Europe. Those who are still electorally successful are Christian mostly in name only and have turned into centre-right conservative people's parties instead. Religious discourse in politics has hence vanished almost entirely in Europe. In difference in Asia Islamic opposition parties have managed to set increasingly the political agenda in the majority Islamic states. In those countries with an Islamic minority their public religious agitation serves to strengthen their ethnic minority identity. Meaningful bi-continental dialogue needs to be aware of this discrepancy in religious politics.     

Simultaneous in Growth and Different in Problems

Lu: On many occasions, politics and economy are in the same strain. Economic life is the only process that runs through history and undergoes environmental changes. World economy is the only world system. In today's world, the closer ties among various countries in e- conomy cause the complexity of political and foreign affairs. Last year's world economy took on a new feature. According to past experiences, when the economy in a region turns better, problems will usually arise in another regi…     

中印关系的回顾与展望

60年来,中印两国关系走过了一个不平坦的过程,大体上经历了"蜜月"期、冲突期、冷战期、解冻期、回暖期和加热期这样6个阶段。历史的经验教训说明,中印两国合则互利,斗则两伤,这已成为中印双方的共识。人们有理由相信,随着双方政治互信、经贸互惠、文化互通的日益加强,中印两国能够创造出共同繁荣的景象,能够为亚洲乃至世界和平作出重要贡献。     

经济继续衰退 改革面临困境——2002年拉美经济形势述评

20 0 2年 ,拉丁美洲和加勒比地区 (以下简称拉美地区 )的经济形势可以概括为 :经济继续衰退 ,改革面临困境。根据联合国拉美经济委员会最近发表的年度总结报告 ,拉美地区经济在上年仅增长 0 .4%的基础上 ,2 0 0 2年出现负增长 ( -0 .5% ) ,为最近 2 0年来首次出现负增长。人均国内生产总值 ( GDP)为 -1 .9%。阿根廷、乌拉圭和委内瑞拉的 GDP分别下降 1 1 %、1 0 .5%和 7% ,是衰退最严重的国家 ;秘鲁、多米尼加和厄瓜多尔 3国的增长率超过3 % ,算是拉美地区的佼佼者 ;其他国家的增长率都不到 3 % ,其中巴西和墨西哥两个地区大国分别只增长…     

明清小说《剪灯新话》在朝鲜和越南的传播

本文主要探讨明清小说《剪灯新话》在朝鲜的传播、影响及其本土化，并与《剪灯新话》在越南的传播进行宏观对比，探讨《剪灯新话》在朝鲜和越南的不同境遇。     

中日两国对东南亚基础设施投资的竞合及影响研究

在21世纪第二个十年,中国与日本在对东南亚基础设施投资方面展开激烈竞争和初步合作.相对而言,在甄选东南亚基础设施项目进行投资过程中,中国更加追求地缘政治目标,日本则凸显了浓重的重商主义色彩,这在某种程度上缓解了双方的直接竞争.在对东南亚基础设施投资中,中国更多地运用了一种政府驱动、需求引导、自上而下的方法,日本则主要采取了市场驱动、私营部门大力参与、自下而上的方法,这瓦解了双方合作的基础.目前,中国与日本对东南亚基础设施投资的合作只在第三方市场少量地展开.中日两国在东南亚基础设施投资方面的竞争是双方争夺地区影响力的一部分.但是,中国与日本在东南亚各国的基础设施投资竞争并不会造成东盟内部的分裂,相反,考虑到基础设施建设的非流动性,这必将造福于东南亚人民.     

Party competition in emerging democracies: representation and effectiveness in post-communism and beyond

Competition among political parties is subject to two demands: representation and effectiveness. This poses a dilemma for democratization, as the political opening creates pressures for the representation of long-suppressed voices, but the strain of socio-economic transformation engenders pressures for greater effectiveness in building market economies and democratic polities. How do new democracies cope with this dilemma? This article extends the author's previously published work on party-system institutionalization by focusing explicitly on this problem, including on how electoral reforms affect the distinct pulls of representation and effectiveness. Based on data from eastern European and former Soviet states compared to western European and Latin American experiences during their initial periods of democratization, the evidence shows that the institutionalization of representation and effectiveness in post-communism is more hazardous. Politics in the post-communist region is characterized by numerous contending parties, weak political actors and floating constituencies. Volatility is not only higher in comparison to other regions but continues unabated during successive elections. These conditions contribute to the ‘ineffective representation’ evident in the relatively large share of wasted votes at each election, with significant sectors of the electorate left out from legislative representation. Electoral reforms reflect the twin pressures: changes in formula in the direction of proportional representation favour broader representation, but higher thresholds seeking greater effectiveness make more difficult entry into parliament. The resulting mechanical and strategic effects confirm the expected direction of the reforms, although the contrary pulls towards representation and effectiveness render difficult the stabilization of party competition.