勃列日涅夫时期对斯大林的评价问题

由于对斯大林的批判是赫鲁晓夫当政时最重要的一项政治活动,而这项活动又使苏共的路线、方针和许多苏联人的命运发生了重大转折,所以人们对倒赫上台的勃列日涅夫将如何对待斯大林问题给予极大关注,勃氏在上台五年后才正式表明在该问题上的立场.在苏共中央正式发表的专门评价斯大林的决议和文章中,勃列日涅夫时期的评价和赫鲁晓夫时期基本上是一致的,但在领导人平时发表的讲话及各类论著中,赫鲁晓夫时期多侧重于揭露斯大林的错误,勃列日涅夫时期则多侧重于肯定斯大林的功绩.     

帮助你深入了解苏联的一部力作——读陆南泉等主编的《苏联真相——对101个重要问题的思考》一书

本书由新华出版社于2010年10月出版,分上中下三册,共155万字.全书分六编:十月革命与列宁时期'斯大林时期;赫鲁晓夫时期;勃列日涅夫时期;戈尔巴乔夫时期与苏联剧变的原因与教训.     

苏联的宪政建设及其启示

苏联宪政发展的历史进程，可以按不同时期划分为四个阶段，即列宁时期、斯大林时期、赫鲁晓夫及勃列El涅夫时期和戈尔巴乔夫时期。四个时期苏联宪政发展与建设实践启示我们：社会主义建设与发展需要宪政，社会主义宪政建设必须立足本国国情，并要突出“人”的问题。     

关于勃列日涅夫时期的“官僚特权阶层”问题

苏联的“官僚特权阶层”越来越引起学者们的关注。关于勃列日涅夫时期“官僚特殊阶层”问题谈论的有很多 ,但还不见专门的论述。苏联“官僚特权阶层”的形成有其制度上的原因 ,它形成于斯大林时期 ,到勃列日涅夫时期发展到顶峰。勃列日涅夫以“稳定”当头 ,不思改革 ,带头奢靡腐化 ,致使这个掌握人民权力的阶层终于走向人民的反面。     

文化“解冻”对苏联文化艺术的影响

赫鲁晓夫时期的文化"解冻"冲破了斯大林时期文化政策的束缚,使知识分子得到思想解放和创作自由,苏联文化艺术呈现出繁荣发展的态势。然而,文化"解冻"并没有完全脱离原有的文化体制、文化政策和工作方法,也给苏联文化艺术发展带来一定消极影响。     

论赫鲁晓夫时期的干部制度改革

干部制度作为国家政治体制的重要一环,在国家政治生活中的作用举足轻重。它直接关系到国家的经济发展、政治进步和社会稳定。斯大林时期确立了高度集权政治体制,集权体制下干部的特权、官僚化等问题严重,这些严重阻碍了政治民主化进程。赫鲁晓夫时期首次对斯大林高度集中体制进行改革,其中干部制度改革是政治体制改革的重要方面。赫鲁晓夫时期干部制度改革,是苏联干部体制上的一次大胆的改革,产生了深远的影响。     

苏共的文化专制主义及其历史教训

苏共在20世纪20年代的文化工作的指导思想是正确的，这促进了苏联文化的繁荣。然而由于在斯大林时期，却逐渐形成了文化专制主义的路线、政策和体制。这一文化专制主义的路线、政策和体制统治了苏联近六十年之久，它成为苏联亡党亡国的根本性原因之一，其历史教训也是极其深刻的。     

对外战略:解读苏联剧变的一个视角

苏联剧变的原因是多方面的,除了政治、经济、民族等的原因外,本文认为,肇始于斯大林沙文主义外交而形成于勃列日涅夫时期的苏联霸权主义对外战略,在苏联剧变过程中起了关键性的作用,它具体反映在苏联不堪重负的国力资源、超出实力的国际角色定位、错位的外交意识形态和失衡的外交决策机制上,因此,对外战略从以上四个方面对苏联剧变发生影响.     

从斯大林功过看苏联兴亡——评《苏联兴亡史论》

一　对斯大林功过的评价要与时俱进要考察苏联兴亡的历史进程、总结苏联兴亡的历史经验 ,首先就要探究从列宁到戈尔巴乔夫苏联历届党政首脑的理论、路线、体制和实践的演变问题 ,尤其是涉及对斯大林功过的评价问题。因为斯大林执政时间最长 ,而且苏联的社会主义制度主要是在斯大林执政的 3 0年间( 1 92 3～ 1 95 3年 )建成并且得到巩固的 ,随后 3 0多年苏联斯大林模式没有发生什么大变化。如果我们肯定斯大林是“功大于过”,那么就要肯定苏联的社会主义模式基本上是成功的、优秀的 ,尽管难免还有一些弊端 ,那只要经过小修小补就能更加显示优…     

有关苏德战争"提前"爆发的两个问题

斯大林不相信有关苏德战争"提前"爆发的各种情报的原因是斯大林确信德国不会在对英战争结束前进攻苏联而使自己陷入两线作战的窘境;苏联情报人员对其所提供情报的可靠性不敢保证,有的甚至主动向斯大林指出这类情报不必相信;各情报所讲到的德国进攻苏联的时间一再不应验,使斯大林对这些情报的可信度产生了怀疑.希特勒"提前"进攻苏联的原因是防止苏联率先进攻德国而使自己陷入被动;利用对英战争掩护针对苏联的兵力调动和军事突袭;认为苏联不堪一击,进攻苏联并不会使自己长时间陷入两线作战的境地;虽然德英战争尚未结束,但德国仍具有进攻苏联的力量;认为只要打败苏联,英国就会失去斗志,不战而降.     

论列宁对社会主义“官”制的探索

列宁十月革命前夕曾设想新政权实行巴黎公社的民主原则,十月革命胜利后进行了大胆试验,结果很快失败。转改高度集中的政治体制,其中的“官”制特点是自上而下的委任制。高度集中的政治体制是列宁对巴黎公社原则的创新和发展,在当时及以后相当的一段时期内发挥了积极的作用。而高度集权下的委任制导致官僚主义的滋生和蔓延,出现权力的腐败。列宁为了完善和改革社会主义的“官”制进行了不懈探索,有些思想成为宝贵的遗产。但因种种原因,列宁终未能找到问题的症结。     

勃列日涅夫时期苏联对斯大林的再评价问题

经历了赫鲁晓夫的“解冻”,勃列日涅夫时期对斯大林的重新评价问题显得非常突出。从1964年到1982年,分三个阶段,勃列日涅夫时期对斯大林的态度发生了明显的转变。从最开始的维护苏共20大、22大决议到最后实质上为他恢复个人名誉,但在形式上却没有太大的变化。     

In the belly of the beast: a personal perspective on apartheid South Africa's diplomacy

This article is a retrospective on the author' diplomatic career mainly up to the time of his first ambassadorial appointment in 1975. Besides detailing aspects of his career including the special circumstances of his first appointment, it reveals something of the nature of foreign service as an occupation. The white South African experience had points in common with that of other foreign services as well as points of difference. A major difference was the permanently embattled nature of the government's international relations. Another was that white South Africa was a divided society. Tensions within white society as a whole tended to be reflected in the foreign service.     

Stalin's Demands: Constructions of the "Soviet Other" in Turkey's Foreign Policy, 1919–1945

Standard accounts on Turkey's foreign policy identify Molotov's communication of 1945 (better known as "Stalin's demands") as the catalyst behind Turkey's post-WWII decision to strain its relations with the USSR and turn to the United States (US) for defense support. The aim here is to complement these accounts which have stressed the military and ideological threat posed by the USSR as the catalyst behind Turkey's foreign policy change, by offering an analysis that explores the conditions of possibility for such change. The aim here is not to question the seriousness of the risks involved in failing to stand firm against the USSR in the immediate post-WWII period. Nor is it to dispute the appropriateness of Turkey's search for "Western" allies at a time when its economic, political and military vulnerabilities were acknowledged by friend and foe alike. The following mediates through accounts that stress the military threat and those that emphasize the ideological threat and presents an analysis that looks into the production of representations of the USSR as a "threat" to Turkey and the context which allowed for the production of such representations of the USSR.     

The foreign office of the federal republic of Germany and the question of relations with communist states, 1953-55

The thaw in the Cold War following Joseph Stalin's death in March 1953 initiated a debate within the West German Foreign Office about intensifying relations with Eastern European communist states. Several veteran diplomats advocated expanding economic ties in particular. By 1955, however, the ministry's leadership around Foreign Minister Adenauer had won out with its more cautious course of limiting contacts to diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union. This early debate already highlighted most of the issues central to West German deliberations on expanding relations with communist states right up to Brandt's Neue Ostpolitik of the late 1960s and early 1970s.     

The origins of the Korean War: Civil war or Stalin's Rollback?

This essay seeks to evaluate civil war theories on the origins of the Korean War by distinguishing between the permissive and efficient causes of war. These theories explain the causes of the war in terms of an extension of border clashes. To explain the efficient cause, Bruce Cumings advances the controversial 'second mosaic' thesis which argues that the war was sparked by the South's provocative actions on the Ongjin peninsula, and quickly spread to the thirty-eighth parallel with the mobilization of Northern troops. Yet new Soviet archival materials enable us to develop the hypothesis of the second mosaic in reverse since Kim Il Sung proposed the Ongjin occupation plan to Stalin. In testing Cumings's 'second mosaic' and the reversed second mosaic thesis, this article sees the origins of the war in Stalin's rollback strategy whose essence was using North Korean troops to cross the US containment line and displace the territories under the US sphere of influence for the first time since the inception of the Cold War.     

俄罗斯转轨过程中的经济绩效分析

俄罗斯的经济转轨长期处于制度非均衡状态 ,在叶利钦时代 ,其具有可持续性 ,制度创新潜在的动机和能力不能转化为现实的创新动机和能力 ,经济绩效低下 ;普京时代 ,其具有不可持续性 ,制度创新潜在的动机和能力比较容易转化为现实的创新动机和能力 ,在相对顺利的创新中 ,经济绩效也得到提高。由此观之 ,转轨模式对经济绩效有一定的影响 ,但不是其决定性因素 ,经济绩效的决定性因素应该是制度本身各要素的协调性 ,俄罗斯在新一轮的转轨中经济绩效的提高有赖于在加强国家作用的前提下实行社会财富结构的根本转型。     

美日现代农地制度的比较与借鉴

土地制度是农村、农民、农业问题的关键。我国现行以家庭联产承包责任制为特征的土地制度在取得巨大成功的同时也日益暴露出其不足 ,这就使得农村土地制度改革具有了紧迫性。而借鉴国外一些国家农地制度的先进经验为我所用就显得十分必要。对美国、日本的现代农地制度进行分析 ,从而可以得出家庭经营、农民有保障的土地使用权以及国家的法制化管理等对我国农村土地制度改革的有益启示     

Health service utilization among widows living with HIV/AIDS: an interview survey in Manipur, India

Widows living with HIV/AIDS (WLHA) are a vulnerable and often overlooked group. The North Eastern Indian state of Manipur, which has one of the highest concentrations of HIV/AIDS cases in India, is not an exception. This paper aims to describe the pattern of and factors contributing to the use of health services by WLHA in Manipur. Structured face-to-face interviews were conducted among 510 respondents. Only 49% of the respondents were aware of available health facilities. The place of residence (67.8%) and appointment at a convenient time (70.8%) were the main factors affecting the use of health services. To improve access to health services, it is imperative that the services of trained health providers are made easily available. Policy makers and organizations working on HIV/AIDs should work together to remove the barriers to the use of health services, making them user friendly for vulnerable groups such as WLHA.     

略论越南亚朝贡体系——兼论与东亚朝贡体系之异同

越南古代不仅属于东亚朝贡体系的一员,而且还以越为中心建立起本国的亚朝贡体系。越南亚朝贡体系不是对中越朝贡机制的简单模仿,在理论方面有所调适与发展,维系手段也有其突出特点。该体系前后存在了约8个世纪,藩部和藩国为数还不少。在促进越南疆域扩大与民族融合方面,在处理与邻国的关系方面,该体系均发挥了重要作用,影响深远。